Kako su se mali mačevi nosili u 18. stoljeću?

Kako su se mali mačevi nosili u 18. stoljeću?

Kratak rezime:

  1. Kako je mali mač (ili mač za oblačenje) pričvršćen za tijelo?
  2. Koji su različiti načini nošenja?

Gledajući mnoge crteže iz tog razdoblja, dobar broj njih prikazuje muškarce s malim mačevima. No, teško je primijetiti kako je mač bio povezan s njihovim tijelom. Obično nema pojasa (a kamoli dežurnog pojasa). Pogledajte na primjer ovdje ili ovdje. Zatim su vjerovatno potrebna dva spoja kako bi oštrica imala lijep ugao od 45 °.

AKO je ispod prsluka korišten pojas, zašto se nosio ispod, a ne preko prsluka? Ljudi su u to vrijeme zasigurno mogli stvoriti lijepe pojaseve s lijepim kopčama kako bi dali odličnu cjelokupnu sliku.

Najvažnije iz prve slike: Mač je zaista više na leđima nego na bokovima. Dakle, čini se da je ovo više ceremonijalno, jer bi trebalo predugo da se uzme mač. Na drugom crtežu vidimo više sa strane. Pa kako su ljudi odlučili gdje će to staviti?
Pretpostavljam da je za bočnu opciju duži dio oštrice bio negdje u ukrasima justaukorpskih trupa. Dok za zadnju opciju, ona prolazi kroz rez na leđima?

Jesu li ljudi u to vrijeme koristili različite uglove za mač? Kao više prema dolje, tako da se može lakše kretati u većoj gomili?

Update

Način nošenja mača zasigurno je vremenom evoluirao i vjerovatno se promijenio unutar ili prije/nakon 18. stoljeća. Odgovori su dopušteni, pa čak i ohrabreni da se stvari stave u odgovarajući kontekst i uključe takve informacije.

Jedan komentar sugerira da je ovo pitanje crvena haringa i da postoji previše načina nošenja mača.
Prvo: Mislim da su postojala pravila po ovom pitanju. U to vrijeme postojala su mnoga pravila o bontonu poput stvari (na primjer kako podići svoju trobojnicu). Postojala su i pravila kada ne treba nositi mali mač itd. Pa sumnjam da nije bilo pravila o tome kako ga nositi.
Drugo: Pod pretpostavkom da postoji mnogo varijanti (mogu zamisliti da su se stvari promijenile s vremenom), onda bi dobar odgovor mogao referencirati neke uobičajenije oblike i dati neke dokaze o ne tako uobičajenim ili slično.


Obično se mač nosi s pojasa ili pojasa koji se nosi preko ramena, poznat kao a baldric. Korice su pričvršćene za pojas pojasom izvlačenja žica i kože poznatom kao a žaba. U nekim slučajevima korice su napravljene očima. U tom je slučaju potrebna samo vrpca za vješanje s pojasa ili se može objesiti izravno na naramenicu. U nekim slučajevima, posebno u vojnim uniformama, žaba je pretvorena u samo petlju koja je bila sastavni dio pojasa. Primjer za to je tipična britanska "Redcoat" bosara, koja je bila bijela:

Ovaj baldric (s lijeve strane) je moderna reprodukcija tipa baldric -a koji su koristili britanski vojnici tokom Rata za američku revoluciju (1770 -ih). Žaba je samo petlja na dnu. Mačevi se mogu objesiti o pojas, ali to je rjeđe. Primjer je prikazan na pojasu s desne strane koji je reprodukcija vrste pojasa za mačeve koji se koristio 1740 -ih.

U nekim slučajevima u žabi se ne bi držao mač, već bajunet. Evo primjera:


Ispod jakne ili preko nje nosila se remenica, sa koricama mača pričvršćenim za donji dio. mačevi su se tako nosili milenijumima. Zašto bi to promijenili posljednjih godina upotrebe mačeva? osim toga, izgleda otmjeno.


Kako su se mali mačevi nosili u 18. stoljeću? - Istorija

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Odjeća Engleske 18. stoljeća - prva od tri stranice - 1700. do 1735. godine
1700-1705

Početkom stoljeća otkriveno je da je haljina posljednjih godina Charlesa II samo malo izmijenjena uzastopnim vladavinama. James nije uveo nikakve inovacije, a blagi nizozemski utjecaj zbog Williama III poslužio je samo za oblačenje određene krutosti i mračnosti u skladu s temperamentom kralja koji nije mario za eleganciju života. Kraljica Ana, s kojom je započelo stoljeće, nije donijela veselost niti razmetljivost na dvoru koji je nedostajao u oba, a odijelo njenog razdoblja slijedilo je krutu formu njenih prethodnika. Glavne linije kostima, međutim, budući da je trebao postojati gotovo stoljeće, već su bile određene, a ovaj kostim imao je određene snažne karakteristike koje se ukratko moraju razmotriti.

Najznačajnija od takvih karakteristika je perika. Perike su se u Francuskoj nosile vrlo rano u sedamnaestom stoljeću, ali nisu dospjele u Englesku do restauracije. Karlo II nosio je opsežnu crnu periku, a tijekom cijele njegove vladavine perika je padala sa svake strane lica s krajevima spuštenim na grudima. To se pokazalo toliko nezgodnim, posebno za vojnike, da se pojavila moda vezivanja kose vrpcom i na kraju zatvaranja sa stražnje strane u svilenu vreću. Ali to je, na početku stoljeća, još uvijek bilo u budućnosti. Cijena perika bila je ogromna, čak 30 funti često su se plaćale za punu periku prave kose. Kad se uzme u obzir da je to moralo biti ekvivalent najmanje 300 funti našeg novca, ne čudi da bi stopalice trebale prvo zgrabiti periku svojih žrtava.

Muški kaputi bili su toliko dugački da su gotovo skrivali pantalone, a prsluci su bili gotovo dugi kao kaputi. Kopče za cipele stigle su s Williamom III, i u početku su bile vrlo male. Ubrzo su porasli i često su bili ukrašeni draguljima.

Ženska haljina bila je donekle stroga, iako je imala određene elemente neformalnosti. Mala pregača sa vezicama bila je jako nošena, čak i u važnim prilikama. Ispod je bila podsuknja s cvijećem, mnogo važnija od suknje, koja se često povlačila u gomile ili nabore. Haljina haljine, iako nisko izrezana, bila je vrlo ukočena.

Najupečatljivija stvar u ženskoj nošnji početkom osamnaestog stoljeća bila je visina kape. Moda je započela u Francuskoj kada je Mademoiselle Fontange, kraljeva ljubavnica, pronašavši svoju poremećenu kosu u lovu, svezala je vrpcom. Moda je praćena i formalizirana, tako da je uskoro na glavama žena stajala razrađena visoka čipkasta kapa, a kosa je bila nakupljena sprijeda i ukrašena žičanim okvirom prekrivenim čipkom i vrpcama. Fontange kapa nazvana je u Engleskoj "quotcommode", a viđena je već krajem vladavine Jakova II. Trajala je tijekom vladavine Williama i Marije, a dolaskom kraljice Ane podigla se još više. Korištena čipka bila je vrlo skupa, jer još uvijek nije bilo zamjene za pravu čipku u Bruxellesu i Mechlinu, osim gaze, koja nije dala isti učinak.

Muška kosa bila je ošišana vrlo blizu, a privatno se teška perika sa punim dnom često odbacivala, a umjesto nje se nosila vezena kapa. Pjesnici i slikari često su zastupljeni u ovoj znatiželjnoj nemarnosti. Prsluci su i dalje bili predugi i morali su ih otkopčati pri dnu kako bi se omogućila sloboda udovima. Košulje su bile izrađene od finog bijelog lana, s naprednim čipkanim talasima sprijeda i na zglobovima. Kravata, koja je također bila od čipke, bila je jedan od najskupljih dijelova nošnje. Mač su, naravno, nosila sva gospoda, a kasnije u stoljeću još nije poprimio nježne proporcije mača-mača iste veličine i oblika kao onaj koji danas opstaje u dvorskoj odjeći. Mali dječaci nisu nosili periku, već su vlastitu kosu držali u nekoj vrsti kovrčave krpe.

Ogrtač, ili kravatu, njemačke su trupe nosile još 1640. godine, a ubrzo nakon početka novog stoljeća počele su zamjenjivati ​​čipkanu ogrlicu u općoj upotrebi. Sastojao se od trake bijelog materijala široke oko stope i dugačkog jarda, uvijene oko vrata i čvorovane sprijeda. Znatna sorta se prakticirala na način vezivanja, a svaka je sorta imala posebno ime. Steinkerk je bila čipkasta kravata vezana vrlo labavo, s krajevima koji su prolazili kroz rupicu za gumb u kaputu. Nazvan je tako nakon bitke kod Steinkerka, gdje su francuski oficiri krenuli u akciju tako žurno da nisu imali vremena pravilno vezati kravate, a moda je bila popularna u Engleskoj, uprkos činjenici da je Steinkerk poraz Engleza.

Veliku periku nosili su bogati, neograničeni bilo kakvom vrpcom ili pričvršćivanjem, što je moda morala biti izuzetno nezgodna za one čija su zanimanja uključivala brzu fizičku aktivnost.

Vrlo kratki rukavi iz doba Karla II ustupili su mjesto većoj raznolikosti, s vrlo složenim okrenutim unatrag manžetama, ukrašenim gumbima i vezom. Ženski rukavi ostali su gotovo isti dugi niz godina. Bili su kratki, dosezali su malo ispod lakta, a završeni su prilično širokim čipkanim volanima. Ponekad je čipka bila pričvršćena za donju košulju, a ne na samu haljinu.

Čudna navika nošenja zakrpa na licu trajala je gotovo cijeli vijek, a zakrpe različitih oblika i veličina nosile su žene svih dobi. Slikanje lica bilo je slobodno prepušteno, a korištene boje ponekad su sadržavale kemikalije vrlo štetne za ten. Lice je obrađeno kuglicama za pranje sastavljenim od bijelog olova, pirinča i brašna, s pranjem živog srebra kuhanog u vodi i bizmutom. Možda je to bilo manje važno jer su žene očekivale da će izgledati staro u ranim tridesetim.

Nema prvih primjetnih promjena u muškoj odjeći u prvih deset godina osamnaestog stoljeća. Kaputi i prsluci ostali su vrlo dugi s velikim džepovima u preklopima. Čarape su se nosile izvan pantalona, ​​podignute preko koljena, ali ispod podvezane. Čarape su mogle biti od svilene boje - plave ili grimizne - sa zlatnim ili srebrnim satovima, ali su mladi i siromašniji muškarci nosili crne vunene čarape. Zimi se pratila znatiželjna moda nošenja nekoliko parova čarapa odjednom.

U ženskoj haljini moda s kraja prošlog stoljeća bila je samo malo izmijenjena. Steznik, koji se ponovno pojavio oko 1670. godine, bio je nošen vrlo usko, a steznik gornje haljine izrezan je tako da točno pristaje preko njega. Bio je vezan odozdo, s efektom tjeranja grudi prema gore. Bodići su bili niski, a na gornji rub dodan je naborani volan - preživljavanje od čipkaste ogrlice iz prethodnog doba.

Već prije kraja sedamnaestog stoljeća haljine su se sa strane počele petljati u panier, a te su panier -e zamijenile obruči, koji su ubrzo porasli do ogromnih dimenzija. Obruč nije, poput krinolina, bio donji dio odjeće, već je sama vanjska podsuknja ukočena od kitove kosti. Ogrtač se otvarao sprijeda, a podsuknja je često bila od damasta ili druge bogate tkanine., Zimske podsuknje ponekad su bile izrađene od hermelina, ali su, po svojoj prirodi, bile na maloj udaljenosti od tijela nositelja. nije ju moglo učiniti mnogo toplijom. Podsuknja, haljina, ogrtači i ogrtač mogli su biti različitih boja, ali podsuknja je obično bila vezena i stoga je činila najbogatiji dio toaleta.

U svom najranijem i najsloženijem obliku perika s punim dnom podijeljena je u tri mase uvojki, dvije ispred ramena i jednu koja visi niz leđa. Kosa se iznad čela dizala u dva vrha ili roga, ponekad pretjerana do grotesknih razmjera. Međutim, moda je služila za dodavanje povećane figure, a lice za ozbiljno dostojanstvo. Šešir je bio potpuno nepotreban i često se nosio u ruci, ali kada se nosio morao je biti znatne veličine. Stražnji dio glave bio je gladak, a umjetni uvojci formirali su rub na rubu perike.

Podsuknja s obručem prvi se put pojavila na londonskim ulicama 1711. godine, a dvije engleske dame, šetajući vrtovima Tuileriesa 1718. godine, postavile su modu u Francuskoj. Pretpostavlja se da je došao iz Njemačke, s nekog malog dvora gdje je veliki farthingale kotača poznat kraljici Elizabeti i Ani Danskoj preživio više od jednog stoljeća. Oživljeni obruč bio je najveći u Engleskoj na kraju vladavine druge kraljice Ane.

Suknje muškog kaputa bile su ukrućene žicom kako bi se istakle, ali muškarci su ubrzo odustali od pokušaja da se takmiče sa svojim ženama upravo u ovom slučaju.

Falbale su se pojavile početkom stoljeća. To su bili naborani ili nabrani volani, vodoravno ušiveni oko suknje, a ponekad su bili od različitog materijala. To nije bilo istina o volantama ili širokim volanima za koje se pretpostavljalo da su dio originalne haljine.

Engleski korzet je općenito bio vezan straga, a ukrućenje kitove kosti išlo je po cijelom tijelu i preko dojke. Gornja ivica bila je ukrućena čvrstom žicom, a u postavi sprijeda mali džep je izmišljen za držanje vrećica mirisnog bilja. Francuski korzet nastavljen je vezanim sprijeda.

Često se pretpostavlja da je haljina u osamnaestom stoljeću bila mnogo formalnija nego što je danas. U stvarnosti je to bilo mnogo manje, u smislu da je znatno veća raznolikost bila dopuštena individualnom ukusu, a da se kostim još nije iskristalisao u različite prihvaćene forme za različite prilike i različita zanimanja. Gospodin iz osamnaestog vijeka bio bi zapanjen ujednačenošću večernje odjeće muškaraca, pa čak i uporednom uniformnošću njihove svakodnevne odjeće. Stranice još nisu bile odjevene u dugmad, niti dečki iz Etona u kratkim kaputima i bijelim ovratnicima. Ako su advokati nosili perike s punim dnom, nosio je i svaki drugi dostojanstven čovjek. Lackeys su nosili današnji kostim s određenim modifikacijama, čak je bila dopuštena i određena sloboda u oficirskim uniformama, a definitivno mornarski kostim još nije bio izmišljen. Konkretno, dvorska haljina bila je jednostavno haljina dana, malo složenija i malo skuplja.

Ogroman broj dijamanata nosili su i muškarci i žene, jer od holandskih poboljšanja u rezanju dijamanata početkom stoljeća, kamenje je moglo biti napravljeno tako da ima mnogo sjajniji učinak nego prije. Dijamanti su se često posuđivali ili čak iznajmljivali za važne prilike, poput sudova i vjenčanja. Pomalo kruti prednji dijelovi kormića iz tog razdoblja podložili su se izlaganju dragog kamenja, a trbuh je često bio vezen posvuda po njima, ili pak jako prekriven zlatnim koncem. Vršnjaci i vitezovi podvezice i drugi redovi nosili su svoja odlikovanja čak i na ulici, tako da se muški čin mogao lako prepoznati. Još smo daleko od dana kada se smatra lošim nošenjem čak i minijaturne vojne trake. U tom smislu, haljina osamnaestog stoljeća bila je vrlo formalna i iako su se srednje klase trudile da majmuniraju plemstvo, visoki troškovi materijala koji su se nosili primorali su ih da se drže na respektabilnoj udaljenosti.

Moda nošenja perike s punim dnom podijeljena na tri mase uvojki nije dugo trajala, zbog sve veće svijesti o svojoj neugodnosti, čak i među onima koji su se smirili. Kasnije je perika po cijeloj površini bila jednake dužine, ali ponekad je dio sa stražnje strane bio podijeljen na dva, a krajevi su bili vezani vrpcama. Ova je moda opstala među starcima do otprilike 1760. godine, ali općenito perike su postale manje oko 1720. godine, i nastavile su se smanjivati ​​tijekom stoljeća.

Manšete su i dalje bile velike, a ponekad i jako vezene, ali su nestale iz lovačkih i jahaćih kaputa. Jahanje je također bilo odgovorno za modifikaciju repa. Oni su bili zakopčani unatrag i ubrzo su postali samo ukrasni, tj. Revers je formaliziran kao dio ukrasa kaputa, pa je širi otvor na prednjoj strani kaputa postao trajan. Posljednji trag ovog kopčanja na leđima može se vidjeti u dva crna dugmeta na zadnjoj strani modernog jutarnjeg ili večernjeg kaputa i u složenijem rasporedu dugmadi na donjem rubu vojničke tunike.

Najvažnija promjena u ženskoj odjeći je spuštanje kape. Nakon nestanka & quotcommode & quot ili Fontange kape, kosa se nosila u jednostavnom, gotovo nemarnom stilu, prilično blizu glave. Ova je moda trajala, uz male izmjene, sve do uvođenja visokih pokrivala za glavu tipičnih za sedamnaest sedamdesetih. Navika nošenja kapa opstala je, posebno u srednjoj klasi. Ove kape su obično bile prilično male i nalazile su se na vrhu glave, ali ponekad su bile vrlo bogate, obrubljene finom čipkom ili u potpunosti napravljene od čipke. Kape slugu, ili kape koje nose vrlo stare dame i seljanke, sada su jedini opstanak ove prakse.

Početkom stoljeća povećani kapaciteti za trgovinu s istokom, zbog sve većeg uspjeha istočnoindijske kompanije, doveli su do uvođenja velike količine indijskog kalikoa, koji je ubrzo postao vrlo popularan. Engleski proizvođači tkanina bili su zabrinuti, pa su kraljica Ana i George I donijeli zakone Parlamenta koji zabranjuju upotrebu kalikova, svile itd. Iz Indije, Perzije i Kine. Oni su, međutim, opsežno krijumčareni, a Steele, u svojoj molbi za engleske tkalje, daje zanimljiv popis materijala koji su istisnuli: briljante, puleraye, anterine, bombazine, satenete, čivere, oraguele, grazete (cvjetne i obične) ), šape za stopala, šarene šare (iako je većina krepa napravljena u Italiji i kruti protestanti su je smatrali popijskom), damast i tamponski propuh.

U to doba u modu je ušla široka haljina. Viseo je s ramena i mogao se pričvrstiti sa prednje strane mašnicama. Ovo, koje se nazivalo kontušom, bilo je ekvivalent modernom peignoiru i isprva se nosilo samo u kući kao jutarnja haljina, ali je ubrzo postalo toliko popularno da se pojavilo posvuda na ulici. Može biti od svile, vune ili tafte, a ponekad i od lakih materijala, poput gaze ili muslina, koji se nosi preko donje haljine kontrastne boje. Njegov je učinak bio šarmantni nemar u odijevanju i tipičan je za promjenu koja se dogodila, manje primjetno u Engleskoj nego u Francuskoj, od ukočenog formalizma iz doba Luja XIV do prilično neozbiljne elegancije iz razdoblja rokokoa. Muški su kaputi još uvijek bili prilično mračne nijanse, a vez je bio rezerviran za ukrašavanje prsluka, koji je često bio najvrjedniji dio nošnje, osim ako su čipkani volani košulje bili izuzetno fini.

Sedamdesetih i dvadesetih godina obilježila je sve veća popularnost već opisane konture. Ne smije se, međutim, misliti da je nošenje jedne od ovih labavih haljina značilo napuštanje korzeta. One su činile bitan dio donje haljine, a i dalje su se nosile vrlo usko vezane kako bi postavi dale mali struk, čak i kad je to potpuno sakriveno punom kontušom.

Do otprilike 1725. godine muškarci su na desnim ramenima kaputa nosili brojne mašne vrpce, čiji su se dugi krajevi protezali do laktova. To su bili ostaci pričvršćivanja ramena koji su korišteni krajem sedamnaestog stoljeća za pričvršćivanje pojasa za mač. Mačevi su se sada nosili manje upadljivo, a ponekad su se i potpuno odbacivali, osim u formalnim prilikama ili za noćne obilaske Londona, kada je nenaoružani pješak bio na milost i nemilost podlogama za stopala i razuzdanim pljačkašima svih vrsta. Stoga je bilo uobičajeno odlaziti na večernje zabave u društvu prijatelja ili posluge.

Izrada peta bila je zasebna trgovina koja je zapošljavala veliki broj ruku, a ta je činjenica bez sumnje pridonijela postojanju visokih potpetica. Čak su i potpetice muških cipela općenito bile visoke, a ženske izuzetno. Napravljene su od drveta i obojene. U Francuskoj su crvene štikle bile znak plemenitog roda. Oblik cipela općenito, čak i ženskih, bio je pomalo nespretan, potpetice su bile premale i postavljene suviše blizu sredine prednjeg dijela. Bilo bi nemoguće daleko hodati u takvim cipelama, a u kući su žene nosile papuče.

Za van kuće, dame su nosile dugački ogrtač sa kapuljačom. Izvorno je bio od grimizne tkanine, pa se možda iz tog razloga i zvao "quardcardinal." Ostao je grimizan do kraja stoljeća, kada je postala moda nositi crne ogrtače. Zanimljivo je napomenuti da je "quardcardinal" bio ogrtač koji je nosila "quotLittle Riding Hood" u dječjoj priči.

Putnički ogrtači za muškarce bili su dugački i kružnog oblika, zapravo su se malo razlikovali od grčkih Chlamysa (osim što je ovo bilo duguljasto), ili od ogrtača koje su do danas nosili španjolski seljaci. Užasno stanje puteva po vlažnom vremenu učinilo je visoke, čvrste čizme neophodnim, a to su uzorci poznati sa slika iz perioda obnove, ali sa užim vrhovima i, naravno, ukrašeni čipkom oko gornjeg ruba. Za jahanje i putovanja žene su nosile modifikaciju muškog kaputa s rukavima i kravatom, ali suknje su im bile neprilagođene za bilo koju vrstu vježbe.

Do 1730. može se reći da se ponovno uvedeni farthingale uspostavio, da traje, uz male izmjene, do Francuske revolucije. Narastao je do šest stopa u promjeru i zahtijevala je ogromnu količinu materijala da ga pokrije. U početku su se koristili obruči od jasnijih štapova ili trske, ali oni su zamijenjeni pouzdanijom kitovom kosti. Obruč je u početku bio jednostavno kavez - niz obruča različitih dimenzija međusobno pričvršćenih vrpcama ili vrpcama u razmacima oko njihovog opsega. Oko 1729. postao je običaj pokriti ovaj kavez krpom, taftom i na kraju svilom, tako da je obruč postao ojačana suknja. Ponekad se ljeti nije nosila druga suknja, a kako je nošenje ladica još uvijek bilo vrlo rijetko, udovi su bili goli ispod obruča, osim čarapa koje su sezale tik iznad koljena i bile su pričvršćene podvezicama neposredno ispod njega. Obruči su nasilno prozvani sa propovjedaonice, ali iz svakog nadmetanja sa svećenstvom moda je uvijek izašla kao pobjednica, a nastavile su ih nositi čak i djevojke sluškinje i seljanke koje su išle na pijacu. Čak je i najjednostavniji n & eacuteglig & eacute propisno opskrbljen svojim okvirom od kitove kosti, pa je postalo nemoguće da dvije žene hodaju usko po uskim ulicama ili da udobno zauzmu kočiju. Čak su i stubišta u privatnim kućama morala biti opremljena balusterima zakrivljenim prema van kako bi se omogućio prolaz voluminoznih suknji.

Perike s vrećicama isprva su nosili uglavnom vojnici, a kada su ušli u civilnu nošnju, u početku su ih smatrali nekom vrstom svlačenja. Vreća je napravljena od crne tafte sa gumom, sa mašnom od istog materijala, i poslužila je za davanje izgleda urednosti bez većih problema. Svinjski rep bio je gotovo jednako popularan kao i perika s vrećicama i iz istih razloga zbog praktičnosti. Tupet ili kosa neposredno iznad čela često je bila prirodna, a spoj perike i prave kose bio je prikriven liberalnom upotrebom pudera.

Oko 1730. nastala je moda ostavljati gornje dugmad na prsluku otkopčanima kako bi se prikazala složeno oprošena košulja. To je dovelo do modifikacije ogrtača s kraćim krajevima kako bi se ukrašeni prednji dio košulje mogao lakše vidjeti. Ponekad je kravatu s kraćim krajevima zamijenila ogrtačom zavezana sa stražnje strane i pričvršćenom naprijed iglom. Vojnici su nosili dva ogrtača jedan preko drugog, donji od bijelog muslina i preko njega od obojene svile, dopuštajući da se bijela prva pokaže među naborima.

Kroz stoljeće su ženski rukavi bili gotovo konstantne dužine, to jest materijal haljine sezao je samo do lakta, a daljnju dužinu davale su dvije ili tri čipke. Iako je složen & quotcommode & quot nestao, manje kape od čipke i dalje su nosile u kući žene svih staleža i svih dobi. Stilovi friziranja znatno su se razlikovali, ali u uskim granicama, kosa se držala prilično blizu glave. Vrat haljina bio je nošen vrlo nisko, zapravo nisko poput moderne večernje haljine, samo što otvor nije bio tako duboko straga.

Šešir s tri ugla, za koji ništa nije tipičnije za modu osamnaestog stoljeća, bio je sposoban za značajnu raznolikost. Neki šeširi su još uvijek bili vezani i ukrašeni perjanicama poput onih iz prethodne epohe, ali kako se perjanica nosila na gornjim obodima, sada savijena prema unutra, izgledala je samo kao neka vrsta ruba. Neki šeširi jednostavno su bili obrubljeni pletenicom. Trokutasti oblik je zadržan pomoću užeta, provučen kroz rupe na rubu i čvrsto zategnut oko krune, ili pak pomoću dugmeta koje je djelovalo kao neka vrsta kopče na rubu prevrnutog ruba. Ranija navika oblaganja šešira vrpcama definitivno je napuštena.

Pristupanje Georgea II nije imalo velike razlike u kostimu u Engleskoj. Novi kralj, kao i stari, bio je Nijemac, ukočen u ponašanju i pomalo nemaran u navikama. Njegov sud nije pružio nikakav centar utjecaja na hirove Društva ili hirove mode. Pojedini članovi aristokracije imali su daleko veći utjecaj od kraljevske porodice, a oni koji su si mogli priuštiti putovanja na kontinent, prirodnom su posljedicom postali arbitri ukusa.

Dva pribora kostima koji su u stalnoj upotrebi bili su burmutica i lepeza. Prvu su nosili svi muškarci, svakog stepena, i mnoge dame. Smatralo se da je pušenje duvana definitivno "quotlow", da ga vježbaju samo mornari i radnici, ali ogromne količine korova konzumirale su se u obliku burmutnog praha, a svaka elegancija ukrasa darovana je kutijama u kojima se nosio.

Ventilator je bio univerzalan. U vrijeme vladavine kraljice Ane bila je vrlo velika. Kasnije je postala manje pretenciozna i ukrašena je oslikanim scenama najsposobnijih umjetnika. Ponekad su slike osmišljene da pokažu politička mišljenja. Korišteni materijal bio je papir ili, ponekad, tanka bijela pileća koža, a ručke su mogle biti ukrašene draguljima ili emajlom.

Godine 1734. boravak žena bio je izuzetno nizak. Tijela haljina bila su vezana sprijeda preko trbuha ili su se nošenja nosila vani, ali općenito se malo promijenilo u ženskom kostimu od posljednje decenije.

Muški kostim također je ostao gotovo statičan, iako je perika stalno izbacivala složenije vrste frizura. Manšete okrenute unatrag, često kontrastne boje onoj kaputa, izrezane su na "quotpagoda" način, odnosno uske u zglobu i naglo se šireći po podlaktici. Ime je dovoljan pokazatelj blagog orijentalnog utjecaja koji se osjetio tokom osamnaestog stoljeća, međutim nije toliko utjecao na oblik odjeće koliko na njenu boju, materijal i ukrase.

U Francuskoj je oko 1730 muškaraca počelo pričvršćivati ​​hlače na koljenima preko čarapa, ali stariji način zadržao se među Englezima još nekoliko godina. Zima 1719. bila je iznimno ozbiljna, a fina gospoda, smatrajući svoje tanke čarape nedovoljnom zaštitom od hladnoće, nosila su nekoliko mjeseci neku vrstu vojničke gamaše. Muškarci nižih klasa sa sivim ili crnim vunenim čarapama bili su bolje zaštićeni i nisu imali potrebu prihvatiti ovu kratkotrajnu modu.

Već je spomenuta moda ostavljanja prsluka otvorenog ispred radi isticanja posteljine. Običaj je svoj ekstrem dostigao početkom tridesetih godina. Ponekad je bilo prikazano oko stope košulje s volanima - moda na kojoj se konačno može pratiti moderna majica i dekoltirani prsluk. Ženske navike jahanja utjecale su, kao i često na muški način, prsluk je kraći, ali istog uzorka, a šešir manji, ali oblika sličan onima koje nose muškarci.

Muški džepovi bili su vrlo veliki, a nabori dugačkog kaputa omogućili su nošenje relativno glomaznih predmeta u njima, a da im nije pokvarilo oblik. Neki moderni džentlmeni nosili bi cijelu bateriju burmutica u suknjama svojih kaputa.


Ručni i polumačevi

Pojam ruka i pol modernija je oznaka za niz tipova mačeva koji su imali sužene oštrice duže od standardnih kraćih naoružanih mačeva tog vremena, ali bez dvostrukih rukohvata većih, težih ratnih mačeva. Mnogi različiti mačevi spadaju u ovu kategoriju, a mnogi od njih su upravljivi koliko su iznenađujuće čvrsti. Mačevi s rukom i pol otprilike se dijele u dvije kategorije. Prvi ima tendenciju da ima otprilike šest inča hvatova s ​​noževima općenito između 34-36 inča. Druga vrsta je poznata kao "kopile" mačevi sa hvataljkama oko pet inča i oštricama, dugačkim 30 do 34 inča. Oboje su dovoljno lagani da se mogu koristiti jednom rukom, ali omogućavaju upotrebu s dvije ruke hvatajući se za podlogu. Oblici oštrica varirali su ovisno o promjenama od pošte do oklopa pune ploče, ali su ostali veličine koja ih je učinila učinkovitima od konja.

U muzejskim replikama nalazi se zbirka ručnih i po mačeva koja uključuje vjerojatno najpoznatije od svih srednjovjekovnih oštrica-dugi mač. U ponudi su i drugi tradicionalni mačevi tog doba-mač kopile i ratni mač. Baš kao i drugi naši mačevi, ručni i pol mačevi muzejskih replika estetski su ugodni i djela izvrsne izrade. Provjerite ih sada!


Kabinettskriege:

Raspravljajući o estetici osamnaestog stoljeća, ljudi često komentiraju strašnu prirodu vojne odjeće. Na prvi pogled, može se činiti da su ratovi u osamnaestom stoljeću bili "ratovi u čipki", a period je bio "ukrasni interval". [1] Uniforme se često koriste kao dokaz da se potvrdi da je ratovanje u osamnaestom stoljeću bio neefikasan, formaliziran i fopiran. Prema nekim povjesničarima: "Općenito, armija starog režima [osamnaesti vijek] bila je spora i nezgrapna masa nezadovoljnih i teroriziranih vojnika predvođenih neobučenim i nemaštovitim oficirima." [2] Jesu li ti sukobi bili "ratovi u čipki", s sav prtljag koji taj izraz podrazumijeva?

Još jednom, dok pišem ovaj post, zahvalan sam drugim povjesničarima i istraživačima koji su se bavili ovom temom. Pojedinci kao što su Mark Canady, Henry Cooke, Daniel Hohrath, Neal Hurst, Phillip Katcher, Tomasz Karpinksi, Matt Keagle, William Koker, Tim Logue, Joseph Malit, Steve Rayner, Hew Strachan i Rob Welch, proveli su mnogo vremena istražujući i rekonstrukciju vojne odeće iz osamnaestog veka. Iako sam letimično istraživao uniforme, nikada neću razumjeti vojničku odjeću iz osamnaestog stoljeća na mukotrpan način na koji te osobe to rade.

Dakle, koliko je razmetljiva i formalna bila vojna odeća iz osamnaestog veka? Da li su se vojnici zaista borili opčinjeni grimiznim sjajem? Da li su uniforme ometale sposobnost evropskih vojnika da efikasno vode rat? Did brightly colored uniforms make men targets? Did these uniforms restrict the range of motion enjoyed by the soldiers? Was the available clothing bad for soldier's health, freezing or overheating them? Finally, did armies adapt their clothing to local needs and conditions?

The blue faced-red coats of the Continentals were inspired by European fashion

It is often said, particularly by Americans, that the bright red uniforms of the British regular infantry made them easy targets, to be individually picked out by American riflemen. Although this may true in very specific cases, by and large, the American War of Independence was not fought by drab colored riflemen. Rather, it was a war fought by men wearing brightly colored coats with (aim-able) smoothbore weapons. While the British were wearing their trademark red, the American medley of colors in the early war was increasingly replaced by blue uniforms or white/grey hunting shirts after 1780. Very few of the American uniforms were intentionally designed to camouflage the individual wearer.

Soldier's carried small field guides in order to identify
enemy units based on uniform details
Why would this be the case? Generals favored highly visible and identifiable uniforms because they allowed troops to be recognized, controlled, and moved. Units wore brightly colored coats, and different colored lapels and turnbacks (coat tails or skirts) allowed for officers and men to distinguish between different units of the same army. Soldiers and officers effectively utilized their clothing and equipment in order to fight as efficiently as possible. Ironically enough, it is only after the Seven Years' War that some European armies became so infatuated with their perception of the external trappings of the Prussian army. Thus, in the late eighteenth century, produced some officers who argued for formality without function. They would have been rather out of place in the Europe of 1757, or the North America of 1777.

Come on, guys
What about the powdered wigs, you ask?? Can we truly respect any army that fought in powdered wigs? Although hair powder was very popular, and worn by soldiers, by the middle of the eighteenth-century, soldiers preferred to wair their own hair, not wigs.[3] This preference can be seen in the writings of Thomas Hughes of the 53rd Regiment, in September of 1778:

In addition to wearing their own hair, British soldiers in North American cut their hair short a number of times in the eighteenth-century, notably in the mid-French and Indian War, and early American War of Independence. If soldiers wore their own hair, were their brightly colored uniforms restrictive?

A German Jaeger in the American War
Clothing in various eighteenth-century militaries was undoubtedly more restrictive of movement than military clothing after the mid-nineteenth century. Having worn replica British and Germanic clothing of this era, as well as British and German military clothing from the 1980s-1990s, there is definitely a difference in range of motion. The improvement in the design, construction, material, and increase in efficiency is indeed noticeable. With all that said, I would argue that the clothing of eighteenth-century soldiers did not greatly hamper their efficiency in combat. Though still an intensely physical experience, eighteenth-century combat was on average less physically demanding than combat today. In an example of this logic, Christopher Duffy asserts that loads in the eighteenth-century averaged about 60 pounds, while modern soldiers in Iraq and Afghanistan carry around 120+ pounds.[5] Despite this, eighteenth-century warfare could still be incredibly physically demanding, as the 12 mile run of the 45th Grenadiers from Philadelphia to Germantown shows us. Likewise, Prinz Henri and his army marched almost 100 miles during three days in August of 1760.

Officers and soldiers were concerned with the functionality and durability of the garments fighting men wore. After the Seven Years' War, the Prussian Army completed the transition to woolen gaiters as a result of their functionality. General Schmettau reported:


British troops buttoning their coats in cold weather

In addition, officers and soldiers often made common-sense decisions regarding clothing with regards to weather and terrain. Soldiers' buttoned their coats over while in cold or rainy weather, and regimental tailors were instructed to make sure this was possible.[7] The Russian and Swedish armies discarded their regimental coats in summer, fighting in sleeved waistcoats. Furthermore, during particularly hot summers, troops would remove yet more clothing. Pvt. Hoppe of Fusilier Regiment Alt-Kreytzen reported:

The summer heat in 1758 caused numerous problems

If soldiers changed what garments they wore as a result of local conditions, it should not surprise us that they also modified the garments themselves. Again, the British Army adapted to local conditions in this way, cutting down hats and coats during the 1758 campaign in North America, and also merged local native legwear with the European gaiter. Gaitered Trowzers, or overalls, were largely born out of North American experience.

British Infantry wearing gaitered trowzers

Finally, it is indisputable that soldiers cared a great deal about their uniforms, even the minor details. Period treatises such as Cuthbertson make it clear that officers cared a great deal about the uniforms of their men. Uniform details often became wrapped up in matters of honor, and as a result, ordinary soldiers also cared about them a great deal. In 1787, when the second Battalion of the Royal Highland Regiment was to be designated the 73rd Regiment, the men complained that they would lose their royal facings (a deep blue color.) Norman Macleod reported:

We should be careful not to conflate the honor and pride felt as a result uniform distinctions with an idea that eighteenth-century conflicts were somehow more garish, and less serious, than later wars. These "wars in lace" were deadly serious for the men who took part. To some extent, the tactics and ideas of eighteenth-century soldiers should look antiquated, that is not surprising. Let us see how our own military is judged two hundred years in the future.


Smallswords: yep, light and fast

In our post entitled "Are Rapiers Light and Fast?" we explored the basic attributes of the rapier and how it compared to other European swords. In that article I argued that rapiers were not any lighter or faster than other one-handed swords, they were swords optimized for the thrust instead of the cut. One type of European sword that was, however, significantly lighter and faster than others is the smallsword. The smallsword is a thrust-oriented dueling weapon of the 18th century that is shorter, lighter, and more nimble than its ancestor. It is often sited as the ancestor of the modern Olympic foil and epee.

A 3D model of a smallsword from The Oakeshott Institute collection and several others as well

The smallsword first appeared as an evolution of the rapier in the mid-17th century as it was becoming less necessary for gentlemen to wear a large sword for self-defense. By the late 17th century smallswords emerged as a dueling weapon and fashionable accessory on both sides of the Atlantic (check out George Washington's smallsword collection here). These weapons usually had blades shorter than 36" mounted on a small, often ornate hilt with short quillons and a light knuckle guard. In most cases with a bilobar plate at the front. In a sharp divergence from the earlier rapiers that featured large and complex hilts designed to protect the hand and body, smallsword's had minimal protection.

In addition to the shorter length of smallsword blades vis-a-vis rapiers, they were also much, much lighter. Below I have included photos of several swords from the Oakeshott Institute collection to illustrate this sword type. The sword at the top of the below photo, for purposes of comparison, is an early 17th century rapier with an overall length of about 51.5". The second from top is a transitional rapier blade mounted on a smallsword hilt that dates from the middle of the same century. This sword is interesting because it demonstrates a transitional form offering neither the reach and power of a rapier, nor the quickness of a smallsword. The blade is of a rather heavy, fullered, diamond section and the overall length of the piece is 41". Next are, two true smallswords, respectively, a triangular sectioned smallsword, and a diamond sectioned smallsword, both dating from the 18th century.

These blades around are very light, the average smallsword blade will run between 170 and 230 grams (6-8 ozs). The drastic change in the form of thrust oriented swords from the relatively long, and stiff rapier toward the lighter, shorter smallsword required changes in swordsmanship too. The most famous historical treatise on the use of the smallsword is Domenico Angelo's 1765 L'Ecole des Armes.

A plate from Domenico Angelo's 1765 L’Ecole des Armes

The depiction above shows a type of swordplay we associate with the smallsword. Masters such as Hope, L'Abbat, Liancour and our personal favorite and hero Donald McBane. These masters fought and taught these skills to the fighting men and gentry of their day. If you are not familiar with McBane he was a soldier, gambler, tavern keeper, fight master and prize fighter, also probably lived a life most would find unbelievable. His work is written as a biography but is full of practical sword fighting details from a man who fought many times.

Thrust from McBane's The Expert Swordman's Companion

Although we mostly focus on making replicas of Medieval and renaissance weapons, we have made and practiced the smallsword from our earliest days of sword making. The clear derivation of these swords from rapiers, alongside their amazing handling characteristics make them a piece we couldn't do without. We make a production smallsword based on an original from the Victoria and Albert Museum, and have a large portfolio of custom pieces with triangular or diamond-section blades, blunted for sparring or sharp depending on your preference. Check out some photos below of some custom smallswords we have made over the years.

Loop hilt on wide smallsword blade after German original

Our stock smallsword with blued finish and custom pierced fore plate

Smallsword in the style of a Spanish Military sword based on one at the Met

Custom pierced plate smallsword


How were small swords worn in the 18th century? - Istorija

English Swords 1600-1650
An article by John F. Hayward


Fig. 1 a&b—Front and back view of the hilt of a back-sword, its whole surface damascened with arabesques in gold. Late 16th/early 17th century. (Private Collection, Scotland)
This account of English swords of the reigns of Elizabeth I (r. 1558-1603), James I (r. 1603-1625) and Charles I (r. 1625-49) starts at the very end of the Elizabethan period, as it is not possible to identify earlier specimens with any certainty. There is no lack of evidence showing the various hilt fashions favored by English noblemen during the 16th century, for a great many portraits survive depicting them with their hands proudly resting on their sword hilts. Many of these swords must also survive somewhere, but unfortunately they do not differ in any essential detail from those in contemporary Continental portraits and therefore cannot be identified as English.

While the hilts are not dated, some of the blades do bear a date etched or engraved on them, including those illustrated here in Figs. 5 and 8. The presence of a date on a blade cannot be accepted as conclusive evidence of the date of the hilt it accompanies. A new hilt may have been fitted to an old blade or vice-versa in the 16th or 17th centuries alternatively, the blade may have been changed by a collector in the course of the last hundred and fifty years-that is, in the period in which old swords have been collector items.

Backswords
The Elizabethan backsword has a hilt of simple construction (Figs, la and b), with straight, usually counter-curved quillons, knuckle-bow and ring-guard on one or on both sides of the cross. This simple construction persisted for a long time and is still found on a backsword with a Hounslow blade in the Burrell Collection, Glasgow (Fig. 2). A more evolved type of hilt is shown in Fig. 3. This has the heavy globular or octagonal pommel that is one of the characteristic features of late 16th or early 17th century swords made in England. The quillons are counter-curved, and the hilt has fully developed arms, knuckle-bow and a loop guard reaching from halfway along the bow down to join the rear arm. This particular construction was not confined to backswords but will be found on rapiers and riding swords as well.


Fig. 13—Sword of State of the City of Canterbury, the cross set with silver panels embossed with panels of gold damascening within silver lines. The blade etched and gilt with inscriptions referring to King . Acquired by the City of Canterbury, Kent, in 1607.

One further cross-hilted sword remains to be mentioned this is the sword of state of the City of Canterbury (Fig. 13). It is an enlarged version of the second type, the pommel and cross being set on each side with four silver plaques, now much damaged, one of which appears to represent Judith with the head of Holophernes. As in the case of the swords described above, the remaining area is damascened with silver lines enclosing areas of gold arabesques. The blade is damascened on one side with the arms of the city and on the other with the Stuart royal arms further inscribed "THIS SOVRDE WAS GRAUNTED BY OUR GRATIOUS SOVERAIGNE LORD KING IEAMES TO THE CITY OF CANTERBURY" and on the other with an extract from the law of Moses. The sword was acquired in 1607 and its cost is recorded in the accounts of the city for that year as 41/-. The silver grip engraved with royal arms and that of the city together with roses and thistles is a later substitution and dates from the reign of Charles I or II.


Fig. 11—Cross and pommel set with silver plaques stamped with scenes from the Passion of Christ, the intervening panels damascened with gold scrollwork. Earlier Persian blade. Perhaps made in England for export. (Schwelzerisches Landesmuseum, Zürchich)


Fig. 12—This hilt is set with silver panels embossed with St. George and the Dragon, the remainder of the hilt damascened with silver first third of the 17th century. (Tøjhusmuseum, Copenhagen)


Fig. 19—Cup-hilted rapier, the hilt encrusted with silver, now much worn, second quarter of the 17th century. (Victoria and Albert Museum, London)


Fig. 20—Rapier: pierced pommel, chiselled with trophies of arms and masks, gilded. Perhaps English, early 17th century. (Wallace Collection)

While English swords can be identified with some certainty by reference to their hilt construction, their ornament is a less reliable indication. Damascening in gold and encrustation with silver were forms of decoration that were applied in most western European countries, and the details-cherub's heads, floral scrolls, trophies of arms, etc-were also in general use. While some of the very simply decorated silver-encrusted hilts can be recognized as English by reference to the silver-work, the more difficult it is to establish their origin. Some of the craftsmen who executed the damascening in English may themselves have been immigrants and followed there the style and technique they had learned elsewhere. The cross-hilt shown in Fig. 9 could be of English or Continental origin.

The most striking feature of the decoration on the Prince of Wale's sword (Fig. 7) and on that in the Hermitage (Fig. 8) is the high relief and fine chasing of the silver, in particular the profile heads copied from classical medals. Next in quality to these two cross-hilted swords comes the broadsword of Sir William Twysden and the two hangers illustrated in Figs. 6, 21, and 22. On these the decoration is less crowded but at the same time executed in somewhat lower relief. Another type of decoration on the English hilts combined panels of minute gold damascening with silver encrustation. This is found on a good many English swords, though the damascening is rarely in such good condition as is that of the fine rapier illustration in Fig. 15. Some earlier swords, including the backsword in Fig. 1 were decorated exclusively with fine gold damascene that once covered the whole surface. The most pleasing of these hilts, which combine silver encrustation with gold damascene, is a sword formerly in the Spitzer and now in a Danish collection. 4 The English origin of this sword, which was not recognized when it was in the Spitzer collection, is beyond doubt, and it is one of the finest surviving examples of the Elizabethan sword-cutler's art. It has a cup hilt upon which the ornament is arranged in alternate panels of silver and gold that run spirally. An offence committed by a member of the Cutlers' Company, which is referred to in a minute dated November 26, 1607, gives an insight into other methods of decorating sword-hilts. A certain William Oldren-shawe was accused of selling for sixteen shillings at Sturbridge Fair a rapier and dagger described as 'plain silvered'. As, however, he received no earnest money and another customer then appeared, he sold the same goods to him "with warranty it was hatched" for twenty-six shillings and eight pence. It was proved to the Court that the silver was not applied to the hilt by the process of hatching, -which called for a greater expense of silver as well as of labor-and the offender was accordingly fined. In 1632 a silvered sword was taken from another member of the Company, who promised not to repeat the offence. He had presumably tried to pass off a plated hilt as a solid silver one. A more common offence was the use of brass and copper for sword hilts instead of iron. In November 1635 the Court of the Cutlers' Company agreed to use their best endeavors "to suppresse and vtterly abandon the worcking and Tryming vp of swords, Rapiers and Skyrnes with Brasse and Copper Hilts and Pummels wch are Cast in moulds or any such deceiptfull way." Further, in September 1639, "Certeyne hilts handles and Pummels of Cast Brasse" which had been offered for sale "for sufficient worck made of Iron" were defaced by order of the Court.

The hilt might belong to the closing years of the sixteenth century, but the very fine blade associated with it, a blade made by Clemens Horn of Solingen, bears the date 1617. The pommel of the King James I sword is of inverted pear-shape, and is hollow, and constructed of five spiral scrolls a jour. The knuckle guard is flat, swelling in the center where it is pierced with a diamond shaped aperture. The quillons are short and flat, with ribbon pattern ends from ill treatment they are now possibly more incurved than as originally made. The single bar is constructed on the same principle, and the shell is framed in similar ribbon pattern bands. The decoration of the hilt consists of trophies of arms, festoons and bouquets of flowers and fruit, boldly engraved and gilt upon a russeted groundwork. The whole of this ornamentation is bordered by a beading encrusted in silver. The underside of the bars is entirely gilt and punched with small circles.

The broad blade is elaborately etched and gilt with inscriptions, but unlike some of the other Clemens Horn blades made for England, it bears no device connected with the English royal house. The traditional association with James I must therefore be taken on trust, but the date 1617 on the blade shows that it could have belonged to him. Another sword with pierced pommel is that from the Burrell Collection illustrated in Fig. 2. This hilt is a simpler version of the Windsor sword. It has similar perforations in the hilt and the guards are also of ribbon-like construction, but there are no arms (pas d'dne) to the guard, nor a shell guard. The English association is quite convincing, for it has a Hounslow blade, and it is doubtful whether Hounslow blades ever found a market abroad, where they had to compete with the products of Solingen, Passau and Toledo. It is tempting to attribute a third sword with pierced pommel and guards (Fig. 20) to the same workshop as the other two. The resemblance of this rapier to the two English swords is noticed in the Wallace Collection Catalogue (No. A595), but its attribution there to Germany is based upon the source of the blade. In fact it has not only the same shape of pommel but also the guards are incised with similar motifs, i.e. trophies of arms, festoons, fruit and masks. The technique of applying the decoration is, however, different: whereas the other English swords discussed here have encrusted or damascened ornament, in this case the ornament is chiseled in the metal of the hilt and then overlaid with gold. Similar ornament is found on French hilts and the English origin of this superb rapier must remain less certain. Further evidence for the use of sword-hilts with pierced pommels in England can be found in contemporary portraits. A pommel of this type can be seen on the rapier carried by Francis Manners, 6th Duke of Rutland K.G., in a portrait dated 1614 at Woburn.

The new type of broadsword is well represented by the two examples in Figs. 24 and 25, each with blade by Johannes Kinndt. One has the earlier ornamentation consisting of silver encrustation, while the latter has the hilt chiseled with masks and scrollwork and finished with silvering. A shell on each side turned upwards towards the pommel and a single knuckle-bow protects the head.

Rapier hilts of the second quarter of the century are usually based on the cup, either pierced in petal-form or in panels running around the cup. The pommel was fluted and of exaggerated elongation (Figs. 26 and 27). An alternative form with flattened pommel and chiseled hilt is shown in Fig. 28. In this case the cup is chiseled with a portrait bust on each side, representing Charles I crowned and his Queen Henrietta Maria. The chiseling is of exceptional quality by English standards of the time but there is no trace of the silvering that was the usual finish of such hilts.

According to Stow's Survey of London, the most influential cutler during the reign of Queen Elizabeth was Richard Mathew, who worked at Fleetbridge. The same source informs us that he was granted a privilege by the Queen for manufacturing knives by a special process, but this was subsequently withdrawn after the other members of the craft had made protests. Presumably he was also a maker of sword hilts, but unfortunately neither knives nor swords by him have hitherto been recognized.

The Hounslow Factory
It is now necessary to go back a few years to follow the history of the Hounslow factory, from which so many signed blades survive. The date of its establishment is clearly given by the terms of a petition addressed to King Charles II in 1672. The petitioners, two German smiths named Henry Hoppie and Peter English, stated that they were brought over from Germany (actually Solingen) by Sir William Heydon and King Charles I in 1629. The next date in the history of the factory is July 1, 1636, when a petition to the King was made by Benjamin Stone, blademaker on Hounslow Heath. In this, the first of a series of similar petitions, he stated that he had been at great charge in perfecting the manufacture of sword blades and entreated the King to take into his store 2000 blades which were then in readiness. He further asked that the Lord Treasurer be instructed to advance money for these blades and thereby to encourage the said manufacture, which had never been brought to such perfection before. The petition concluded with the dramatic statement that, as a result of the great expenses he had incurred in the manufacture, he was indebted to various persons in London and dared not walk about as they threatened to arrest him. A note on this petition by the Attorney-General explains that Stone was making sword, rapier, skein (dagger) and other blades for his Majesty's store and for the service of his subjects, which had up to that time been made in foreign parts. This petition was followed by another of the same year. In this, Stone, who must have been a man of means, stated that at his charge, namely 6000, he had perfected the art of blade-making, so that he made "as good as any that are made in the Christian world." As a result of great complaints made by the Lord Deputy of Ireland and others of the unserviceableness of the swords brought into the Office of the Ordnance by the cutlers, his Majesty had ordered that the Office of the Ordnance should be supplied with blades made by the petitioner, who was thereupon made a member of the Office and undertook to make 500 blades a week. He went on to complain that the London Cutlers' Company had received orders to supply 4000 swords "which were for the most part old and decayed" although he had great quantities lying on his hands and was ready to deliver hi short tune any proportion his Majesty should have occasion to use. The petition concluded with the request that no further blades should be admitted to the Office of Ordnance that had been made abroad. This attack on the Cutlers was rejected by the Company in their reply they alleged, "that the swords which he petitioneth to be received into the store and pretends to be blades of his own making, are all bromedgham (i.e. Birmingham) blades, they are no way serviceable or fit for his Majesty's store."

This last claim is of particular interest as it shows that the manufacture of sword blades in Birmingham had already started and that the London trade did not place much store upon them, though this may have been due to commercial rivalry. In a final petition, also dated 1638, Stone describes himself as Cutler for the Office of the Ordnance' and states that he has spent 8000 (all his estate) in the manufacture of blades and is able to deliver 1000 per month.

Besides the Germans, a number of English-born smiths worked at Hounslow, and blades signed by them survive. These include Richard Hopkins, represented by a sword in the London Museum 11 with blade signed "RECARDUS HOPKINS FECIT HOUN-SLOE," and Joseph Jencks, represented by a sword in an English private collection signed "JOSEPH JENCKES ME FECIT HOUNSLO." Jencks is the only working Hounslow smith who is known to have been a member of the London Cutlers' Company. His mark, a thistle with a dagger, is found on a number of finely finished table-knives. The majority of the Hounslow blades are not signed with the smith's name, and it is probable that the practice was given up. It seems that the earlier blades are signed while the later ones, which are often more roughly finished, bear only the name "HOUNSLOE" or "ME FECIT HOUNSLO."

Slow Decline and Cessation
The Hounslow factory is shown on the map published by Moses Glover in 1635, as is "Mr. Stones' house." 12 Stone's name does not appear on any of the blades, although he was a member of the Cutlers' Company and actually had a mark allotted to him. It is clear from the statements in his petitions that he became a merchant and was more concerned with the financing and organization of blade manufacture in England. As Hounslow was outside the jurisdiction of the London Company, the German smiths did not need to secure admission to the Company, which would in any case probably have been refused. During their early days in England, when they seem to have worked in London, they probably enjoyed royal protection against interference by the Company. When the Civil Wars began, the Hounslow bladesmiths seem to have split into two camps according to their political sympathies. We know from the 1672 petition that Hoppie and English followed Charles I to Oxford and that Cromwell confiscated their mills and turned them into powder mills. 13 On the other hand Johann Kinndt (Kennet) remained at Hounslow a letter from Sir William Waller, dated April 1643, to Parliament requests the supply of "200 Horsemen's swords of Ken-net's making of Hounslow." The bladesmiths who remained at Hounslow were not without their difficulties for in 1649 their tools and stock in trade were distrained upon by the Commissioners of Taxes for non-payment of taxes due. The bladesmiths petitioned the Council of State with satisfactory results, for the latter sent a stiff minute to the Tax authorities requiring them to return the tools, which should not have been distrained upon as long as any other appropriate surety could be found. Further, the Commissioners were instructed to examine the bladesmiths' petition and to "take order that in future assessments they may not be oppressed with payments beyond their proportions, and that their working tools be made good to them and the manufacture may have all encouragement."

The latest dated Hounslow Blade is of the year 1637 but there are many references to the blade factory of later date. In 1650 an order was made to deliver ten trees from Windsor Forest to Paul and Everard Ernious, "strangers," for the repair of the sword mills. Various petitions dating from between 1650 and 1660 from John Cook, Gentleman, refer to "the encouragement of his manufactory of sword and rapier blades at Hounslo," In spite of the critical comments of the London Cutlers' Company, the Hounslow blades were quite serviceable according to the account of Benjamin Stone in the Dictionary of National Biography, some of his blades were shown to Robert South, the royal cutler, described as of Toledo make and accepted by him as such. William Cavendish, first Duke of Newcastle (1592-1676), refers to the high quality of Hounslow blades in two of his plays.

o autoru
Mr. Hayward, an art historian of international repute, has greatly advanced the serious study of arms and armor throughout his many years with the Victoria & Albert Museum and as an Associate Director of Sotheby & Co. His articles and monographs are by far too numerous to list they have been published in most major languages in the world.


Medieval Dagger & Knife

A dagger ili nož has a very sharp point and usually two sharp edges. Typically designed or capable of being used as a thrusting or stabbing weapon, daggers have been used throughout human history for close combat confrontations and often fulfilled a secondary defence weapon’s role.

Daggers have a short blade with a sharply tapered point, a central spine or fuller, and usually, two cutting edges sharpened the full length of the blade. Most daggers also feature a full crossguard.

Pojam dagger appears only in the Late Middle Ages, after disappearing during the Early Middle Ages replaced by the hewing knife or seax.

History of the Dagger

The earliest daggers were made of materials such as flint, ivory, or bone in Neolithic times. Bakar daggers appeared first in the early Bronze Age, with early Minoan samples being recovered were recovered at Knossos (2400–2000 BC). Gvožđe daggers in Egypt were valued on a level equal to that of their ceremonial gold counterparts. Artisans and blacksmiths of Iberia (today’s Spain and France) produced various iron daggers and high-quality swords from the 5th to the 3rd century BC. During the Roman Empire, legionaries were issued a pugio, a double-edged iron thrusting dagger with a 7–12 inches blade.

U toku Srednje godine , most men and women wore a small knife in a sheath as part of their daily dress and used it as an all-purpose eating utensil and tool. In the 12th century, the dagger was known as the “knightly dagger,” or more appropriately cross-hilt or quillon dagger. Many of these cross-hilt daggers resemble miniature swords, with crossguards and pommels very similar in form to swords of the period. The knightly dagger evolved into the larger baselard knife in the 14th century.

With the advent of protective plate armour, the dagger became increasingly valuable as an excellent close-in weapon for stabbing through armour gaps. Fighting techniques around this time also had to adapt to point the blade point to penetrate or push apart an opponent’s chain mail or plate armour.

A dagger in the WLB HB XIII 6 Weltchronik & Marienleben, dated 1300-1350. Lower Austria. Image courtesy of Manuscript Miniatures.

Types of Daggers & Knives

Dok daggers are intended primarily for stabbing, knives are usually single-edged and mainly intended for cutting. However, many knives and daggers are capable of either stabbing or cutting (although many thrusting knives have been described as daggers, including those that feature only a single cutting edge, such as the European rondel dagger or the Persian pesh-kabz).

Medieval daggers can be broadly classified into:

Anelace

A medieval long dagger or a very short type of sword, in 14th century England, was worn suspended by a ring from the girdle. Sloane MS (c. 1400) records a song satirizing the use of oversized baselard knives as fashion accessories.

Baselard

A historical type of dagger or a short sword of the Late Middle Ages. It has an I-shaped handle that evolved out of the 13th-century knightly dagger. Pojam baselard is in origin a Middle French or Medieval Latin corruption of the German basler [messer] “Basel knife.” Baselards were a popular sidearm carried by the more violence-prone section of civilian society.

Poignard

A lightweight dagger primarily used for stabbing in close quarters or conjunction with a rapier. This long, lightweight thrusting knife had an acutely pointed blade and crossguard and was historically worn by the upper class, noblemen, and the knighthood.

Misericorde

A long, narrow knife, used from the High Middle Ages to deliver the death stroke (or mercy stroke) to a seriously wounded knight.

Rondel

A type of stiff-bladed dagger was worn at the waist and perhaps used as a utility tool by various people from merchants to knights. The dagger gets its name from its round (or octagonal) handguard and round or spherical pommel.

Bollock dagger

A type of dagger with a distinctively shaped hilt, with two oval swellings at the guard resembling male testes, popular between the 13th and 18th centuries. Within Britain, the bollock dagger was commonly carried as a backup for the lance and the sword.

Different types of daggers from "An Illustrated History of Arms and Armour: From the Earliest Period to the Present Time", by Auguste Demmin. Published in 1894 by George Bell.

1) British cutlass, tenth century. It bears on the blade the names “Edwardus,” and “prins agile.” It is attributed to Edward II. 2) Iron dagger, about a foot long, thirteenth century. 3) Iron dagger, thirteenth century. Blade measures about 12 inches, and the haft about 5 inches. 4) Iron poniard, probably Scottish, fourteenth century. 5) Same as above. 6) Poniard, beginning of the fourteenth century. 7) Iron dagger, about 14 inches long, beginning of the fourteenth century. The haft is very long. 8) Iron dagger, about 19 1/2 inches long, end of the fourteenth century. 9) Iron dagger, 14 1/2 inches long, end of the fourteenth century. The handle is of carved bone. 10) Iron dagger, end of the fourteenth or beginning of the fifteenth century. 11) Poniard, end of the fourteenth century. 12) Dagger, fifteenth century. 13) Scottish dagger, about 14 1/2 inches long, wooden handle, fifteenth century. 14) Dagger with single thumb ring, about 16 inches long, fifteenth century. 15) Dagger with double thumb ring, sixteenth century. The two rings were placed there to fix the dagger on a shaft, or at the end of a lance, to resist cavalry. 16) Dagger, anelace, or Verona dagger, fifteenth century. 17) Dagger, anelace, fifteenth century. 18) Dagger, fifteenth century. 19) Dagger of a German lansquenet, sixteenth century, about 14 inches long. Polished steel sheath. 20) Dagger of German lansquenet, sixteenth century. 21) Main gauche, Spanish, with the inscription “Viva Felipe V.,” which shows that this weapon was in use in the year 1701. 22) Stiletto (Spitzdolch), about 12 inches long, end of the sixteenth century. In Germany these weapons were also called Panzerbrecher, or cuirass-breaker. 23) Dagger, Swiss, sixteenth century. These daggers are often provided with small knives, which served to cut the thongs of the armour, to pierce holes, and for various purposes. 24) Dagger, German, sixteenth century. 25) Poniard, German, with wavy blade, very short and broad. 26) Poniard, German, sixteenth century. The guard has four quillons. 27) Main gauche, sixteenth century. 28) Main gauche, German, sixteenth century. 29) Main gauche, German, about 20 inches long, sixteenth century. Engraved handle. 30) Main gauche, German, with indented blade for breaking the enemy’s sword thumb ring, and quillons curved in inverse directions sixteenth century. 31) Main gauche, German, with indented blade for breaking swords, sixteenth century. 32) Close-up of indented blade of previous dagger. 33) Large German brise-épée, sixteenth century. 34) Close-up of indented blade of previous dagger. 35) Poniard, German, sixteenth century. 36) Large main gauche, German, with indented quillons, and grated guard as sword-breaker, seventeenth century. It measures about 25 by 10 inches. 37) Stiletto, German, called Panzerbrecher, or cuirass-breaker, about 12 inches long, sixteenth century. 38) Poniard, about 10 inches long, richly studded with precious stones. This weapon belonged to Sobieski, King of Poland. 39) Poniard, German, called Panzerbrecher. The numbers on the blade probably used for measuring the bore of cannons.


3 Khopesh

Although sometimes called a sickle-sword, the ancient Egyptian khopesh was more of a cross between a sword and a battle-ax. During earlier Egyptian times, the mace represented ruling power, but the khopesh&lsquos deadliness on the battlefield eventually made it the preferred status symbol of Egypt&rsquos elite. Even Ramses II was depicted wielding one. [8]

A Bronze Age weapon, the khopesh was usually cast out of a single piece of bronze and could be quite heavy. It&rsquos believed to have been an Egyptian adaptation of a large, two-handed weapon similar to a war ax, imported from Canaan and Mesopotamia. The blade had a pronounced curve, like a sickle, though only the outside edge was sharpened. Much like the battle-ax, the khopesh could be used as a hacking weapon, though its shape also made it efficient at slashing. The inner part of the curve was equally functional and could trap an arm or yank away an opponent&rsquos shield. Some had small snares for that very purpose.


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