Teksaška milicija uništila Meksikance u bitci za San Jacinto

Teksaška milicija uništila Meksikance u bitci za San Jacinto

Tokom Teksaškog rata za nezavisnost, teksaška milicija pod vodstvom Sama Houstona pokreće iznenadni napad na snage meksičkog generala Santa Anna duž rijeke San Jacinto. Meksikanci su potpuno poraženi, a stotine ih je zarobljeno, uključujući i samog generala Santa Anna.

Nakon stjecanja nezavisnosti od Španije 1820 -ih, Meksiko je dočekao strane doseljenike u rijetko naseljen Teksas, a velika grupa Amerikanaca predvođena Stephenom F. Austinom smjestila se uz rijeku Brazos. Amerikanci su ubrzo nadmašili broj stanovnika Meksikanaca, a pokušaji meksičke vlade 1830-ih da regulira te polu-autonomne američke zajednice doveli su do pobune. U martu 1836, usred oružanog sukoba s meksičkom vladom, Teksas je proglasio nezavisnost od Meksika.

Teksaški dobrovoljci u početku su pretrpjeli poraz protiv snaga Santa Anna - trupe Sama Houstona bile su prisiljene na povlačenje prema istoku, a Alamo je pao. Međutim, krajem aprila, vojska Houstona iznenadila je meksičke snage u San Jacintu, a Santa Anna je zarobljena, čime je okončan pokušaj Meksika da pokori Teksas. U zamjenu za svoju slobodu, Santa Anna priznala je nezavisnost Teksasa; iako je ugovor kasnije poništen i tenzije su se povećale duž granice između Teksasa i Meksika.

Građani takozvane Republike Lone Star izabrali su Sama Houstona za predsjednika i odobrili ulazak Teksasa u Sjedinjene Države. Međutim, vjerojatnost da se Teksas pridruži Uniji kao robska država odgodila je bilo koju formalnu akciju Kongresa SAD -a za više od deset godina. Konačno, 1845. godine predsjednik John Tyler priredio je kompromis u kojem će se Texas pridružiti Sjedinjenim Državama kao robska država. Dana 29. decembra 1845. godine Teksas je ušao u Sjedinjene Države kao 28. država, proširujući neodoljive razlike u SAD-u po pitanju ropstva i rasplamsavajući Meksičko-američki rat.


Historijski muzej San Jacinto

& rdquo U podne je general Rusk došao na večeru u moj šator. pitao me je da li Meksikanci nemaju običaj da u tom času prave siestu. Odgovorio sam potvrdno dodavši, štaviše, da u takvim slučajevima drže svoje glavne i napredne stražare pod oružjem sa redom stražara. General Rusk je to primijetio. trenutak mu se učinio povoljnim za napad na neprijatelja. Dodao je: & lsquoOsjećate li da se borite? & Rsquo Odgovorio sam da sam uvijek spreman i voljan za borbu, na što je general ustao, rekavši: & lsquo Pa, idemo! & rsquo & rdquo

& mdash Juan Segu & iacuten, iz njegovih uređenih memoara, godine Zapamćena revolucija


Historijski muzej San Jacinto ostaje zatvoren nakon požara u Parku jelena

Prošlog vikenda hiljade ljudi trebalo je da se okupi u Istorijskom muzeju San Jacinto u La Porteu u Teksasu kako bi rekonstruisali bitku za San Jacinto 1836. Tek drugi put u gotovo 35 godina, rekonstrukcija i festival koji ga okružuje su otkazani.

Godišnja rekonstrukcija najveća je takve vrste u državi, s više od 250 ljudi koji prikazuju meksičku vojsku i miliciju Republike Teksas.

Muzej i spomenik bitke u San Jacintu zatvoren je gotovo mjesec dana. Larry Spasic je predsjednik muzeja i kaže da su zatvaranje i otkazivanje rekonstrukcije posljedica hemijskog požara u ITC tvornici u Deer Parku u ožujku.

& ldquoPoštujemo odluke pravnih tijela i organa za provođenje zakona u ovoj oblasti i radimo s njima kako bismo osigurali da svi uživaju u sigurnom okruženju & hellip Približavamo se kraju ove nesreće, kaže rdquo Spasić.

No, vlasti parka ne vjeruju da je požar nanio štetu na historijskom mjestu.

& ldquoIzgleda & hellip nakon što se incident završi, a mi smo prilično sigurni, zbog već provedenih očitavanja da smo na mjestu, & & rsquoll ćemo biti u dobrom stanju, & rdquo Spasić kaže, na historijskom mjestu koje je dom za više od 1.200 hektara prirodnog travnjaci, obnovljena močvarna područja, flora i fauna. & ldquoLjudi će moći učiniti sve što su mogli prije ovog incidenta. & rdquo

Spasić kaže da je odgovor javnosti na otkazivanje rekonstrukcije bio razumijevanje i izvjesno razočarenje.

& ldquoBilo je ljudi koji su bili razočarani. Ali bio sam iznenađen nivoom podrške. Mislim da su svi znali da ovu odluku nismo donijeli olako. Zajedno sa našim sponzorima, mi & rsquove radimo ovaj događaj više od 35 godina, a to je vrhunac našeg obrazovnog programa i za planiranje je potrebno 5-6 mjeseci, kaže rdquo Spasić.

Zatvaranje mjesec dana bit će skupo za privatnu, neprofitnu obrazovnu udrugu.

& ldquoNe primamo državna ili federalna sredstva za naš budžet. Naša misija je toliko važna i ono što predstavljamo je toliko važno da se zaista osjećam da će nam Hjustonci i Teksašani pomoći u tome ", kaže rdquo Spasić.

Muzej i spomenik bitke u San Jacintu bit će zatvoreni najmanje do 21. aprila. Spasić se nada da će se uskoro ponovo otvoriti, nakon toga.


San Antonio obilježava povijesnu bitku kod San Jacinta

od Rocío Guenther 22. aprila 2017. 19. marta 2018

Podijelite ovo:

Predsjednice kćeri Republike Teksas Susan Riedesel (desno) i njena unuka Karley (9) saginju glavu u molitvi tokom proslave pobjede u San Jacintu na Alamo Plazi. Zasluge: Bonnie Arbittier / San Antonio Report

Mala masa okupila se u subotu u Alamo Cenotaphu usred prohladnog vjetra kako bi proslavila sve hrabre heroje koji su se borili za nezavisnost Teksasa tokom bitke za San Jacinto.

Nabavite naš besplatni bilten Daily Reach svakog jutra u vašu pristiglu poštu.

Besplatni događaj bio je jedan od stotina koji se održava širom grada tokom Fijeste, 11-dnevne kulturne proslave u San Antoniju.

Zapovjedni general južnoameričke vojske general -major K. K. Chinn obraća se okupljenima tokom proslave pobjede San Jacinto na Alamo Plazi. Zasluge: Bonnie Arbittier / San Antonio Report

Prisustvovali su članovi grupe Daughters of the Texas Texas Alamo Heroes Chapter i Children of the Republic of Texas koji su se pridružili okupljenima kako bi obilježili događaj koji je zauvijek promijenio istoriju Teksasa i svijeta.

Dana 21. aprila 1836., za vrijeme rata za nezavisnost od Meksika, milicija Teksasa predvođena Semom Houstonom angažirala je i pobijedila meksičku vojsku generala Antonia Lópeza de Santa Anna u iznenadnom napadu u blizini današnjeg Houstona u Teksasu. Na stotine Meksikanaca odvedeno je kao zarobljenici, uključujući Santa Anna. Meksički general potpisao je sporazum kojim se priznaje nezavisnost Teksasa u zamjenu za njegovu slobodu. Čak 181 godinu nakon bitke kod San Jacinta, Teksašani nastavljaju slaviti historijski događaj.

Publika podiže zastave Teksasa tokom proslave pobjede u San Jacintu na Alamo Plazi. Zasluge: Bonnie Arbittier / San Antonio Report

U stvari, iako San Antonijanci nastavljaju s obiljem zagrljaja Fieste i prisustvuju mnogim proslavama, mnogi zaboravljaju da je gradski festival osnovan kao pozdrav pobjedi Teksasa u bitci za San Jacinto.

"Kako je prikladno da na ovom svetom tlu odajemo počast herojima koji su nas oslobodili, kao i poštujući današnju vojsku koja nas održava slobodnim", rekla je Jeanie Travis, članica Kćeri Republike Texas.

Za više informacija o Fiesti i potpuni raspored događaja kliknite ovdje.

Vojno-civilni klub plješće na pozornici tokom proslave pobjede u San Jacintu na Alamo Plazi. Zasluge: Bonnie Arbittier / San Antonio Report


Vojna istorija

Vojni poslovi dramatično su oblikovali istoriju Teksasa. Među Indijancima u regionu, plemenske ekonomije i kulture u velikoj su mjeri ovisile o ratu. Slično, vojska je bila značajan faktor u istraživanju i kolonizaciji Španije. Republika Teksas je samo silom osigurala svoju neovisnost od Meksika i vidjela da su joj aneksiju Sjedinjenih Država osigurale da je vojna moć dozvolila Uniji da porazi pokušaj Konfederacije da uspostavi zasebnu naciju. Sponzorisanjem istraživanja i izgradnjom pograničnih utvrđenja, vojska je ohrabrivala migracije neindijanaca prema zapadu i osigurala svrgavanje gotovo svih plemena. Odbrana i industrije povezane s odbranom imale su sve veću ulogu u teksaškoj ekonomiji tokom Prvog i Drugog svjetskog rata. Do druge polovine dvadesetog vijeka, veća stalna vojna jedinica u zemlji postala je fundamentalna za državnu ekonomiju.

Prije dolaska Europljana, Indijanci koji žive u Teksasu često su svoje razlike rješavali ratovanjem. Caddoes su uspostavili odbrambene konfederacije, raštrkana plemena južnog Teksasa i delte Rio Grande prakticirala su sezonske svađe i male racije jedna protiv druge. Strah od neprijatelja u unutrašnjosti često je držao Karankave, uporno štiteći područja koja su zahtijevali za svoja plemena, u blizini obale Zaljeva. Među tim i drugim grupama koje su došle u dominaciju ravnicama Teksasa, predkolumbijsko ratovanje općenito je naglašavalo ličnu hrabrost. Uvođenje konja i vatrenog oružja, zajedno s većim pritiscima proizašlim iz europskih upada, često je davalo nasilniji ton kulturi ratovanja. Dolazak u velikom broju Apača i Komanča, grupa čije su se kulture zasnivale na ratovanju, dodatno je povećao pritisak. Racije i uznemiravanje u gerilskom stilu obično su karakterizirali ove sukobe, a posljednji su se pojavili krajem 1720-ih godina nakon duge borbe s Apačima kao dominantnom vojnom silom na južnim ravnicama.

Vojska je odigrala temeljnu ulogu u okupaciji Španije koja je kasnije postala država Lone Star. Naoružane kolone pratile su većinu istraživača iz šesnaestog stoljeća, a vojni odredi čuvali su prve misije duž Rio Grandea. Francuska kolonija u Fort St. Louisu izazvala je Španiju da pojača svoje aktivnosti u Teksasu. Prve misije u istočnom Teksasu, sa samo malim garnizonom, propale su tokom 1690 -ih, ali su kasniji napori tokom sljedećeg stoljeća uključivali i veće naoružane kontingente. Ipak, neuspjeh u snažnoj indijskoj podršci uzrokovao je špansku privremenu evakuaciju Istočnog Teksasa, pred naoružanim francuskim snagama od manje od deset ljudi, tokom Pilećeg rata (1719). Odlučni u namjeri da povrate čast Španije, markiz de San Miguel de Aguayo ponovno je uspostavio misije u Istočnom Teksasu, ostavljajući iza sebe i dva predsjednika. Kako bi spriječio potencijalne francuske prijetnje obali, također je uspostavio presidio i misiju u La Bah & iacutei, te ojačao rastući kompleks u Bexaru. No činilo se da su troškovi takvih napora nadmašili koristi, posebno kako je francuska prijetnja jenjavala. Pritisnuti sa sjevera od strane Komanča, Apači su osporili širenje Španije u centralni Teksas, pa čak i sam Bexar. Kako su plemena osiguravala sve više oružja (često od francuskih trgovaca) i navikavala se na evropske vojne metode, postajalo je sve teže isporučiti kažnjavajuću odmazdu od koje je ovisila španska politika. Na primjer, 1758. i ndash59, ratnici iz nekoliko plemena uništili su misiju San Saba de la Santa Cruz, a kasnija kaznena kolona koju je predvodio pukovnik Diego Ortiz Parrilla odšepala je natrag u San Antonio nakon neuspješnog napada na naseljeno mjesto Taovaya.

Poraz u Sedmogodišnjem ratu (1756 & ndash63) doveo je do preuređenja odbrane Španije. Slijedeći izvještaje markiza i deskuta Rubiakutea i Josipa Bernarda de G aacutelveza Gallarda, Kraljevski propis iz 1772. preselio je predsjednike duž granica. Predstraže u istočnom Teksasu bile su napuštene, a sjeverne provincije su se na kraju odvojile od vicekraljevstva Nove Španije pod general-zapovjednikom, koji je dobio građanska, sudska i vojna ovlaštenja. Ipak, razbacani garnizoni bili su previše loše obučeni, opremljeni ili snabdjeveni da bi bili zaista efikasni protiv pokretnijih Indijanaca iz ravnice. Pokušaji Španije da suprotstave Apače ili Komanče jedni drugima nisu uspjeli ponoviti uspjeh indijskih saveza u susjednom Novom Meksiku. Iako nikada nije mogla postići vojnu nadmoć u Teksasu, vojska je ostala bastion španskog naselja. Na popisu iz 1792. godine 720 vojnika i njihovih porodica u Bexaru i La Bah & iacutei činili su gotovo 20 posto ukupnog stanovništva španskog Teksasa. A vojna sila je odložila neželjene američke upade. Philip Nolan i otprilike dva Amerikanaca poraženi su 1801. Iako je 1813. nekoliko stotina revolucionara i avanturista pod labavim vodstvom Josa & eacuta Bernarda Maximiliana Gutija i eacuterreza de Lare, Augustusa W. Mageea i Samuela Kempera nakratko istjerali španske vlasti iz San Antonija, oni su zauzvrat slomljeni u bici kod Medine od strane rojalista Joaqu & iacutena de Arredonda. Arredondo je iz Teksasa uklonio organizirano protivljenje španskoj vladavini, ali kontinuirani pad carstva nagovijestio je budućnost. U Ugovoru iz Adams-On & iacutesa iz 1819, Sjedinjene Države su priznale španske zahtjeve prema Teksasu, samo da bi naterale Jamesa Longa i oko 300 američkih filibustera i meksičkih revolucionara da zauzmu Nacogdoche u znak protesta. Španske trupe ugušile su Longov pokret, ali američka prijetnja se nije raspršila. Uplašeni da će američki infiltratori na kraju zauzeti Teksas, krunski zvaničnici odobrili su zahtjev Moses Austina da dovede nekoliko stotina novih kolonista u očajničkoj nadi da bi veća baza stanovništva mogla pomoći u podmirivanju odbrambenih potreba.

Na kraju, unutrašnja previranja, a ne vanjska invazija, osudila su španski Teksas. Kraljevski vojnici sjeverno od Rio Grandea, iako nisu mogli pobijediti Indijance ili spriječiti oružane upade sa istoka, zadržali su nesigurno uporište. No, španska vlast u Teksasu se srušila uspostavom nezavisnog Meksika. Pod vodstvom Stephena F. Austina, američka kolonija u Teksasu započela je vojne aktivnosti koje su na kraju dovele do nezavisnosti Teksasa. Karankave su uništene, a kratkotrajna Fredonska Republika 1826. i ndaš27 potisnuta. Meksički dužnosnici, plašeći se sve većeg utjecaja Angla, pokušali su zakonom od 6. aprila 1830. zaustaviti daljnju američku imigraciju i pojačati meksičke garnizone u Teksasu. Ipak, stanovništvo se opiralo vojsci u manjim sukobima u Anahuacu i Nacogdochesu. Zaokret Antonia L & oacutepeza de Santa Anne ka centralizmu i oslanjanje na vojsku za provođenje politike antagoniziranih Teksašana i doveli direktno do pokreta u Teksasu za nezavisnost. U jesen 1835. godine, nakon okršaja s meksičkim turistima u Gonzalesu i Golijadu, nekoliko stotina Teksašana opsjedalo je San Antonio. Krajem novembra Edward Burleson preuzeo je komandu nad "Vojskom naroda" (vidi REVOLUCIONARNA VOJSKA) nakon što je Austin otišao da traži pomoć od Sjedinjenih Država. Angažmani u Concepcionu i na borbi za travu naglasili su opsadu do 5. decembra, kada su Benjamin R. Milam i Frank (Francis W.) Johnson poveli nekoliko stotina dobrovoljaca u uspješan napad na meksičke trupe. Previše samouvjereni Teksašani sanjali su o daljnjim osvajanjima. Iako se Sam Houston, izbor Konsultacija za komandovanje snagama Teksasa, usprotivio tom potezu, nekoliko grupa okupilo se u južnom Teksasu radi predloženog marša na Matamoros. U međuvremenu je Santa Anna, nakon što je razbila pobunu u Yucat & aacutenu, usmjerila svoju pažnju prema Teksasu. Teksašani su ipak zanijetali, pretpostavljajući da će meksičke trupe pričekati proljeće prije nego što krenu prema sjeveru. Dana 23. februara Santa Anna stigla je u San Antonio, gdje se oko 150 pobunjenika zadržalo u staroj misiji Alamo. Sporovi su još uvijek mučili vojsku u Teksasu, samo je loše zdravlje Jamesa Bowieja dopustilo Williamu Travisu da preuzme efektivnu komandu nad tamošnjim trupama. Travisove molbe za pojačanjem dovele su samo tridesetdvočlanu delegaciju iz Gonzalesa. 6. marta Santa Anna je napala, iako su njegovi vojnici pretrpjeli velike gubitke, branitelji su poginuli. Štiteći obalno krilo Santa Ane, general Jos & eacute de Urrea preusmjerili su raštrkane snage Teksasa pod Johnsonom u San Patricio, dr. James Grant u Agua Dulce, Amon B. King u Refugio i William Ward blizu Victoria. Činilo se da je James W. Fannin, koji je držao Goliad s oko 300 ljudi, paraliziran tokom cijele kampanje. Isprva insistirajući na odbrani lokacije, zatim uvjeren da mora priteći u pomoć Alamu, i konačno pokušavajući se povući, Fannin je dopustio da njegova komanda bude uhvaćena 19. marta u Coleto Prairie. S niskom razinom vode i nadjačanim od 800 vojnika Urree, Fannin se predao sljedećeg dana. Dana 27., većina zarobljenih u kampanjama na južni Teksas pogubljena je u masakru u Golijadu.

Previše samopouzdanja, nemara i neodlučnosti do sada su karakterizirali vojne operacije Teksašana. Sada su samo Sam Houston i manje od 400 ljudi u Gonzalesu stajali između meksičkih trupa i rijeke Sabine. Nemajući drugih održivih mogućnosti, Houston se povukao preko rijeka Colorado i Brazos. Santa Anna je krenula naprijed, nadajući se da će završiti rutu, i navela većinu kolonista da se pridruže paničnom povlačenju. Neki, uključujući privremenog predsjednika Davida G. Burneta, optužili su Houston da nema plan, optužbe potaknute generalovom odlučnošću da zadrži svog branioca. Dok se Houston povlačio, njegova vojska, opaljena željom za osvetom i koja je imala koristi od vježbi obuke provedenih tokom povlačenja, razvila se u kohezivnije vojne snage. Pojačanja iz Sjedinjenih Država, kao i iz starijih naselja u Teksasu dodatno su ojačala njegovu vojsku. I Santa Anna je postupno slabila. Iako je nekoliko hiljada meksičkih vojnika sada bilo u Teksasu, predsjednikova revnost da uhvati vođe Houstona ili Teksasa dovela ga je do obala rijeke San Jacinto sa samo malim dijelom njegove ukupne snage. Houston se okrenuo i napao 21. aprila popodne. Iznenadili su iscrpljene Meksikance, Teksašani su pali na neprijateljski kamp. Po cijeni od 9 ubijenih i 30 ranjenih, Houston je naveo 630 ubijenih Meksikanaca i 730 zarobljenih. Među posljednjima je bio meksički poglavica Santa Anna. Time je osigurana nezavisnost Teksasa.

Iako je San Jacinto bio odlučujuća pobjeda na bojnom polju, s novoproglašenom republikom i dalje su se suočavali vojni problemi. Oko 2.000 meksičkih vojnika ostalo je sjeverno od rijeke Nueces, a sastav teksaške vojske se mijenjao. Stanovnici Teksasa dominirali su snagama u San Jacintu. No, do ljeta 1836. vojska se povećala na preko 2.500, od kojih je tri četvrtine stiglo u Teksas nakon bitke kod San Jacinta. Da stvar bude gora, bolna rana skočnog zgloba natjerala je Sama Houstona, jedinog Teksašanina koji je do sada uspio kontrolirati veliki broj trupa, da potraži liječničku pomoć u New Orleansu. Velaskovski ugovori nisu uspjeli riješiti vojnu krizu. U Meksiku ih je vlada poništila i zaprijetila da će nastaviti rat. Iako su se meksičke trupe povukle, vojska Teksasa odbila je dopustiti oslobođenje Santa Ane. Predvođeni Felixom Hustonom, mnogi u vojsci pozvali su na ofanzivnu kampanju protiv Matamorosa. U flagrantnom izazovu poljuljanoj privremenoj vladi, trupe su odbile da prihvate Mirabeau B. Lamara za svog komandanta. U svibnju 1837., uplašen vojnom pobunom i željan da smanji vladinu potrošnju, predsjednik Houston napustio je veći dio vojske. Odbrana je sada počivala na malom odredu montiranih rendžera, neorganiziranoj miliciji koja se u teoriji sastojala od svih radno sposobnih muškaraca u dobi između sedamnaest i pedeset godina i dobrovoljaca koji su se javljali u hitne slučajeve. Nasilni susreti s Indijancima i glasine o meksičkim invazijama nastavili su se, ali predsjednikova odlučnost da odgodi vojnu akciju u nadi da će osigurati aneksiju Sjedinjenih Država bila je u skladu s njegovim smanjenim budžetom za odbranu.

Nasljednik Houstona, Lamar, zagovarao je agresivnu indijsku politiku. Kako bi zaštitio granice i osigurao baze za ofenzivne akcije, 1838. Kongres je predvidio niz vojnih postaja duž sjevernih i zapadnih granica republike, kojima će upravljati puk od 840 ljudi, a uz pomoć vojnog puta koji se proteže od Crvene rijeke do Nueces. Na istoku, Cherokeesi, za koje se sumnjalo da su se udružili s Meksikom, nakon bitke kod Nechesa bili su otjerani u današnju Oklahomu. Kampanje protiv Komanča pokazale su se manje odlučnim, ali su uzrokovale povlačenje većine tog plemena dalje na zapad i sjever. Lamar se također nadao da će od Meksika iznuditi ustupke. Nakon kratkih pokušaja da kupi neku vrstu naselja za priznanje ili granicu, predsjednik je potaknuo pobunu domaćih protiv meksičke vlade, išao je tako daleko da je iznajmio Teksašku mornaricu pobunjenicima u Jukutanu. Kako bi uložio zapadne zahtjeve republike u ljeto 1841., on je također poslao vojnu silu, koju je predvodio pukovnik Hugh McLeod, da zauzme Santa Fe. Opasni nesrećom i lošim vodstvom, iscrpljeni Teksašani predali su se stigavši ​​u taj grad (vidi TEXAN SANTA FE EXPEDITION).

Nakon što je ponovo izabran za predsjednika 1841. godine, Houston se našao zadubljen u probleme proizašle iz Lamarove politike. Operacije samo protiv Indijanaca koštale su 2,5 miliona dolara tokom trogodišnjeg perioda u kojem su vladini prihodi iznosili nešto više od milion dolara. Houston je smanjio vojsku na nekoliko četa rendžera, pokušao prodati mornaricu i potpisao ugovore s nekoliko indijanskih plemena. No, Meksiko, sa Santa Anom na čelu, uzvratio je nedavnim prijetnjama. General Rafael V & aacutesquez i oko 500 vojnika nakratko su okupirali San Antonio u ožujku 1842. Kongres je objavio rat, ali je Houston, i dalje oprezan, stavio veto na ovu mjeru. Razjaren stalnim sporovima duž sjeverne granice i pokušajem blokade svojih luka od strane Teksasa, Meksiko je pokrenuo novu ofenzivu. Vodeći 1400 ljudi, sredinom septembra general Adri & aacuten Woll zauzeo je San Antonio. Povukao se pod pritiskom milicionera iz Teksasa, a Houston je poslao Alexandera Somervella sa 750 ljudi da pokaže zastavu Lone Star duž Rio Grandea. Somervell se povukao tog decembra, ali oko 300 ljudi, predvođenih Williamom S. Fisherom, prkosilo je naredbama i prešlo Rio Grande. Međutim, u Mieru su se osvajači predali mnogo većoj meksičkoj sili.

Vojna situacija u Teksasu dramatično se promijenila nakon aneksije. Iako su Sjedinjene Države imale malu regularnu vojsku i mornaricu, njihovo rastuće stanovništvo i industrijska baza dali su im ogroman vojni potencijal. Takvi su resursi iskorišteni u Meksičkom ratu, koji je izazvan nedavnom aneksijom Teksasa. Oko 6.000 Teksašana je tokom sukoba vidjelo vojnu službu, najvidljivija od jedinica Lone Star -a koje su se borile sa Zachary Taylor i Winfield Scott u sjevernom i centralnom Meksiku. Ove trupe, koje su sebe nazivale Texas Rangers, pokazale su se izvanrednim izviđačima i teškim borcima, ali njihove nasilne metode i osveta protiv civilnog stanovništva Meksika ostavile su iza sebe gorko naslijeđe. Nakon Ugovora iz Guadalupe Hidalga, država je, uz određenu pomoć savezne vlade, nastavila zapošljavati različit broj različitih kompanija za patroliranje zapadnim granicama. No redoviti redovnici Sjedinjenih Država preuzeli su glavninu obrambenih dužnosti, kao i daljnje istraživanje regija Trans-Pecos i Panhandle. Nekoliko vojnih postaja poredalo je Rio Grande od Brownsvillea do Eagle Pass -a kao odgovor na potencijalne meksičke i indijske upade. Drugi su sačinjavali ogroman polukrug koji se protezao od Fort Worth-a do Fredericksburga do Corpus Christi-a. Kako bi ponudila zaštitu i pomoć hiljadama migranata i putnika vezanih za Kaliforniju, vojska je zauzela i nekoliko položaja uz puteve od San Antonija do El Pasa.

Kratki pokušaji uspostavljanja rezervata u Teksasu nisu uspjeli, vojska je pokrenula niz ofenziva protiv neprijateljskih Indijanaca. U najznačajnijoj od ovih kampanja, Bvt. Major grof Van Dorn predvodio je odrede sa sjedištem u Teksasu, ukočeni od savezničkih indijskih izviđača i pomoćnika, do pobjede protiv logora Komanča preko Crvene rijeke na Rush Springu (1. oktobra 1858) i Crooked Creeku (13. maja 1859). Ali Teksašani su htjeli još više akcije, a rendžerske snage predvođene Johnom S. "Ripom" Fordom pobijedile su značajno logorovanje Komanča 12. maja 1859. godine u blizini brda Antilope na indijskoj teritoriji. U veljači 1861. godine, konvencija o otcjepljenju u Teksasu navela je nemogućnost savezne vlade da zaštiti svoje građane od napada Indijaca kao jedan od razloga napuštanja Unije. To je službenicima Ratnog ministarstva moralo izgledati ironično, jer je čak četvrtina cijele vojske bila stacionirana u Teksasu tokom 1850-ih. Kontroverznim potezom, David E. Twiggs, koji je komandovao departmanom Texas, predao je svu federalnu imovinu i utvrde u Teksasu u zamjenu za siguran prolaz svojih trupa. Međutim, prije nego što su svi vojnici mogli krenuti, izbijanje rata navelo je državne zvaničnike da ponište sporazum. Garnizoni iz nekoliko utvrda Trans-Pecos, predvođeni Bvt. Potpukovnik Isaac V. D. Reeve, predao se grofu Van Dornu, koji se pridružio Konfederaciji, zapadno od San Antonija.

Odnosi s novom vladom Konfederacije pokazali su se kao trnovit problem za državne zvaničnike. Iako je doktrina o pravima država sugerirala da bi Teksas trebao zadržati kontrolu nad svojim ljudima i ratnim materijalom, čelnici Konfederacije zahtijevali su da se resursi objedine pod centraliziranijom vlašću. I dok se početni nalet dobrovoljaca pojavio u bojama, početkom 1862. Konfederacija je donijela zakon o regrutaciji koji je na kraju proširen na većinu muškaraca koji nisu crnci u dobi od sedamnaest do pedeset godina. Od 100.000 do 110.000 podobnih, između 60.000 i 90.000 vjerovatno je služilo u vojsci. Većina Teksašana pokazala je snažnu želju za postavljenom dužnošću i žestoku nezavisnost koja je ograničila napore da se primijeni disciplina. Na početku građanskog rata državni pukovi prodrli su na indijsko područje i patrolirali zapadnom granicom i granicom Rio Grande. Krajem 1861. i početkom 1862. Brig. General Henry H. Sibley i tri teksaška puka marširali su zapadno u Novi Meksiko, ali su nakon bitke kod Gloriete pali nazad u Teksas. U listopadu 1862, mornaričke snage Unije zauzele su ostrvo Galveston. John B. Magruder, zapovjednik snaga Konfederacije u Teksasu, zauzeo je Galveston na Novu godinu 1863. Još jedna federalna invazijska snaga, uključujući dvadeset šest brodova i 4.000 vojnika kojima je zapovijedao general-major William B. Franklin, provjerena je na prijevoju Sabine u Septembra 1863. od strane poručnika Richarda W. Dowlinga i jedne artiljerijske baterije. Krajem 1863. federalci su zauzeli Brownsville, čime su prekinuli unosnu trgovinu između Teksasa i Matamorosa. Sjeverne trupe napredovale su uz Rio Grande do grada Rio Grande, a druga kolona gurnula se sjeverno uz obalu pored Tijelova. No ofenziva na Južni Teksas je tada zaustavljena, trupe su premještene iz južnog Teksasa da se pridruže generalu Nathaniel P. Banks u Louisiani. Međutim, prije nego što je Banks stigao do Teksasa, Richard Taylor je pobijedio svoju vojsku u kampanji na Red River. Iako je posljednja velika prijetnja Unije Teksasu bila prigušena, rat u državi Lone Star nije završio. U julu 1864. godine, Teksašani Rip Forda povratili su Brownsville i u posljednjem susretu građanskog rata razbili još jednu saveznu silu u Palmitu. Ali konfederacijski Teksašani bili su manje uspješni u zaštiti pograničnih doseljenika od indijskog napada. Povlačenjem saveznih trupa sa zapadnih položaja, nekoliko plemena, željnih odmazde protiv bijelih uljeza, uzvratilo je udarac. Nesposobnost države da odbrani svoje granice primjer je bitke kod Dove Creeka (januar 1865), u kojoj je 140 Kickapoosa koji su migrirali u Meksiko s indijskog teritorija porazilo 370 državnih vojnika. Sam rat je riješen istočno od rijeke Mississippi. U vojsci Sjeverne Virdžinije hiljade Teksašana činili su glavninu Hoodove Teksaške brigade, nazvane po svom prvom zapovjedniku, Teksašaninu Johnu Bell Hoodu. Druge teksaške jedinice, poput Osme teksaške konjice (Terry's Texas Rangers) i Rossove brigade, također su se borile u Arkansasu, Mississippiju, Georgiji, Tennesseeju i Karolini. Albert Sidney Johnston, bivši ratni sekretar za Republiku Texas, bio je zapovjednik Konfederacijske vojske Mississippija sve dok nije poginuo u bitci kod Shiloha. Godine 1864. predsjednik Jefferson Davis prebacio je Hooda iz Virginije u Georgiju, gdje je komandovao vojskama Konfederacije u završnoj fazi kampanje u Atlanti i u katastrofalnim porazima kod Franklina i Nashvillea. U julu 1863., zauzimanje Vicksburga Ulyssesom S. Grantom učinilo je direktnu komunikaciju između Teksasa i Richmonda u najboljem slučaju nesigurnom. Kako bi riješio administrativni zastoj, Konfederacija je osnovala Odsjek Trans-Mississippi, koji je obuhvaćao Teksas, Arkanzas, Missouri i veći dio Louisiane, pod komandom Edmunda Kirbyja Smitha. Odjel je bio gotovo izoliran od ostatka Konfederacije do kraja rata. Nakon predaje Roberta E. Leeja u Appomattoxu, Smith je pokušao nastaviti rat, ali je, uz slabljenje podrške, kapitulirao 2. juna.

Federalne trupe, od kojih su neke bile crne, prebacile su se u državu Lone Star. Kako bi cara Maksimilijana i Francuze istjerali iz Meksika, oko 50.000 vojnika Sjedinjenih Država okupilo se u blizini Rio Grande 1865. godine & ndash66. Smrću Maksimilijana, Francuske u mirovanju, i kada je Kongres proglasio vojnu vlast nad većinom bivših država Konfederacije u aktima o obnovi 1867. godine, vojska se okrenula domaćim pitanjima. Teksas i Louisiana spojeni su u Petu vojnu oblast, kojom je komandovao general Philip H. Sheridan. Odlučan u namjeri da uspostavi federalnu vlast, Sheridan je svrgnuo novoizabranog guvernera Jamesa W. Throckmortona i nekoliko drugih zvaničnika. Okružni vojni zapovjednici generali Charles Griffin i Joseph J. Reynolds iskoristili su svoje trupe za intervenciju na državnim i lokalnim izborima u znak podrške nastaloj Republikanskoj stranci. Vojska je takođe podržala Biro slobodnjaka, koji je bivšim robovima pomogao u sklapanju ugovora o radu, osnovao odvojene sudove i uspostavio osnovni sistem obrazovanja. Proglašenje ratnog stanja guvernera Edmunda J. Davisa u nekoliko županija i upotreba snaga državne policije (koja je bila 40 posto crnaca) dodatno su razbjesnili bijelce, kao i korupcija koja je zahvatila napore da se reorganizira državna milicija. U takvim gradovima kao što je Brenham, vojnici su se otvoreno sukobili s civilima. No, neugodan mir karakterizirao je većinu države. Konzervativci su pokušali uvjeriti vojne i federalne zvaničnike da su trupe potrebne za zaštitu od napada Indijaca, a ne otvoreno izazivati ​​ljude u plavom. Do ljeta 1867. nekoliko se kompanija vratilo na indijske granice. Utvrde Richardson, Griffin, Concho, Stockton, Davis i Clark uskoro su imale znatne redove, koji su se ubrzo pokazali neprocjenjivi za putnike i lokalnu ekonomiju koja nije indijska.

Izborom guvernera Davisa, predsjednik Ulysses S. Grant proglasio je da je obnova u Teksasu pri kraju. The army's emphasis thus shifted to Indian service. In late 1868, columns from New Mexico, Indian Territory, and Kansas moved against several Southern Plains tribes. The resulting campaign brought a temporary peace, but as railroads and White settlers pushed west and the slaughter of the buffalo herds began in earnest, violence continued. Texans claimed that many tribes conducted raids into the state, then retreated to the safety of their reservations. To help patrol the frontiers, in 1874 the state legislature mustered two ranger forces: the Frontier Battalion, designed to control Indians and the Special Force, organized to guard the Mexican border. During the early 1870s, the army stepped up its campaigns on the Llano Estacado. Col. Ranald S. Mackenzie, the most effective regular commander, routed a large Comanche village near McClellan Creek in September 1872. The Red River War, which involved troops from Texas, New Mexico, Kansas, and Indian Territory, began in summer 1874. From Fort Concho, Mackenzie delivered the most telling blow at Palo Duro Canyon on September 28, 1874. Human casualties were minimal, but Mackenzie's decision to kill nearly 1,500 captured Indian ponies helped force several tribes to surrender the following year. Farther west, several Apache groups had also resisted encroachment. After witnessing several futile pursuits of Victorio and the Apaches, Col. Benjamin H. Grierson seized upon an effective tactic in summer 1880. Rather than attempt to overtake the Indians, Grierson stationed his men at strategic waterholes throughout the Trans-Pecos. After several sharp skirmishes, Victorio withdrew across the Rio Grande, where he was killed by Mexican soldiers. Throughout the period, regulars clashed with their rivals, the Texas Rangers, over methods and effectiveness. In their efforts to punish Indian and Mexican raiders, several state and federal officers crossed over the Rio Grande. In 1873, Mackenzie destroyed several Indian villages near Remolino, about forty miles inside of Mexico. Texas Rangers splashed across the river two years later near Las Cuevas, seeking to stamp out cattle rustlers. Lt. Col. William R. Shafter led several army sorties in 1877, even as Mexican protests increased. The following year, Mackenzie and a large United States column twice engaged in long-range skirmishing with Mexican troops. The actions of Texas, United States, and Mexican military forces, the slaughter of the buffalo, the expansion of the railroads, and the westward migration of non-Indian settlers combined to destroy the military power of the Plains Indians in Texas. But the armed forces' influence was far greater than simply that of its military campaigns. Frontier posts stimulated civilian settlement, and army contracts proved a tremendous boon to local businesses and job-seekers. The state militia, organized as the Volunteer Guards upon passage of the Militia Law of 1879, provided supplemental income to another 2,000 to 3,000 guardsmen as well as a lucrative, if sometimes sporadic, source of appropriations.

About 10,000 Texans served in the Spanish-American War. In April 1898, Congress allowed soldiers in existing organized militia units to volunteer for federal service. Under this law, state troops formed the First Texas Volunteer Infantry Regiment, which sailed to Havana in late 1898. Other Texans joined assorted regular and volunteer formations such as the Rough Riders (the First United States Volunteer Cavalry), organized and trained at San Antonio and made famous by their flamboyant lieutenant colonel, Theodore Roosevelt. Texas and the military remained closely linked during the early twentieth century. Although incidents at Brownsville, Houston, Del Rio, El Paso, Waco, San Antonio, and Texarkana between Black garrisons and White and Hispanic residents were symptomatic of the racial tensions that divided American society, this relationship was generally amicable. Early Signal Corps experiments in aviation were conducted at Fort Sam Houston, San Antonio. Turmoil within Mexico in 1911 led the War Department to concentrate a "Manuever Division" at San Antonio. Eighteen months later, the Second Division was mobilized at Galveston and Texas City. By 1914 other regular army forces, totaling some 12,000 men, were also stationed along the border. After Pancho (Francisco) Villa's strike into New Mexico in March 1916, President Woodrow Wilson called the national guards of Texas and Oklahoma into federal service. The president soon expanded the call-up, and by late July, 112,000 national guardsmen from fourteen states had massed along the Rio Grande. As the Mexican crisis cooled, the guardsmen were in the process of demobilizing when in April 1917 Congress declared war on Germany. Most Texas and Oklahoma national guard units formed the Thirty-sixth Infantry Division, a process formalized that fall. Texans also composed most of the Ninetieth Division several thousand others were funneled into the Forty-second Division, the so-called "Rainbow Division," a unit that comprised men from twenty-six states. In all, the selective service registered nearly a million Texans for possible duty of these, 197,389 were drafted or volunteered. Engaging in the patriotic fervor that swept much of the United States, Texas became a major military training center during the First World War. More than $20 million was spent constructing camps Bowie (Fort Worth), Logan (Houston), Travis (San Antonio), and MacArthur (Waco) for new recruits. Forts Sam Houston (San Antonio) and Bliss (El Paso) also underwent major expansion. Likewise, military aviation found a warm reception in the state, where Fort Worth, San Antonio, Dallas, Houston, Waco, and Wichita Falls housed key flight and service training centers.

Most soldiers from Texas never went abroad. However, the Thirty-sixth Division, supplemented by wartime recruiting and the draft, left for Europe in midsummer 1918. Elements of the Thirty-sixth finally saw combat, as part of the Fourth French Army, at St. Étienne and during the Aisne offensive, for which the units earned substantial accolades from an adoring press. The Forty-second Division was one of the most acclaimed American units of the war, and the Ninetieth Division, composed largely of Oklahomans and the "Texas Brigade" (the 180th Infantry Brigade), also fought in the St. Mihiel and Meuse-Argonne operations. In all, more than 5,000 Texans died overseas.

Numerous bases, availability of land, public support for the military, and an increasingly influential congressional delegation made Texas an important military training center in World War II. The Third and Fourth armies, which oversaw basic and advanced training in several southern and western states, respectively, were headquartered at San Antonio. More than 200,000 airmen trained in Texas, which had more than fifty airfields and air stations, including naval air stations at Corpus Christi, Beeville, and Kingsville. Carswell Field, Fort Worth, was home to Air Force Training Command headquarters. Seventy camps in Texas held 50,000 prisoners of war. About 750,000 Texans (roughly 6 percent of the national total) saw military service during the war. Texas claimed 155 generals and twelve admirals, including the supreme Allied commander in Europe, Dwight D. Eisenhower, and Pacific Fleet admiral Chester W. Nimitz. Col. Oveta Culp Hobby directed the Women's Army Corps Walter Krueger commanded the United States Sixth Army. Among units that included large Texas contingents, the Thirty-sixth Infantry, including the famous "Lost Battalion," fought in Java and Italy in some of the war's bloodiest combat. The division suffered heavy casualties in an unsuccessful attempt to cross the Rapido River under enemy fire. This action, ordered by Fifth Army commander Mark Clark to support Allied landings at Anzio, led to an inconclusive congressional investigation in 1946. The First Cavalry, Second Infantry, and Ninetieth Infantry divisions saw extensive duty in the European Theater. In the Pacific campaigns were the 112th Cavalry and 103rd Infantry. In all, some 23,000 Texans lost their lives overseas. The war had a tremendous impact upon the Texas economy, in which federal and private investments brought massive industrial development. Aircraft production blossomed in Dallas-Fort Worth shipbuilding boomed in Orange, Port Arthur, Beaumont, Houston, and Galveston. Sprawling industries along the Gulf Coast also formed the world's largest petrochemical center. Munitions plants, steel mills, and tin smelters were built, and increased demand for food, timber, and oil offered new opportunities throughout the state. With labor at a premium, half a million rural Texans moved to the cities, and women and minorities took jobs once reserved for White males.

After the war the United States retained a much larger permanent military establishment in Texas. Between the active military, the organized and inactive reserves, the national guard, and the selective service, most male Texans of eligible age experienced the military or its bureaucracy in some direct manner. Thousands of Texans served in the Korean conflict, in which native Texan Walton H. Walker held command of all United Nations ground forces from July to December 1950. During the 1960s and early 1970s, the nation's involvement in Vietnam dominated military affairs. More than 500,000 Texans saw service. In addition, several Texas-based units were transferred to South Vietnam. Fort Hood contributed the United States II Field Force Vietnam, assigned to coordinate operations of the III and IV Corps, and the 198th Infantry Brigade, which joined the Americal (Twenty-third) Division. The Forty-fourth Medical Brigade was dispatched from Fort Sam Houston. More than 2,100 Texans died in Vietnam. Texans and Texas-based forces also remained a major source of the nation's military strength through the 1980s and early 1990s. During the 1980s, Texas was second only to California as home of record for both active-duty and retired military personnel. Sprawling military complexes at San Antonio, El Paso, and Fort Hood, as well as defense manufacturing plants in the Dallas-Fort Worth area, had become essential to national defense as well as the state's economy. During the Desert Shield-Desert Storm operations of 1990&ndash91, for example, the Third Armored Cavalry Regiment and Eleventh Air Defense Artillery Brigade were dispatched to the Persian Gulf from Fort Bliss, while Fort Hood contributed the First Cavalry Division, the First Brigade of the Second Armored Division, and the XIII Corps Support Command. Texas National Guard units, which included more than 20,000 members (many of them part-time) during the early 1990s, supplemented the regular forces and were often called out to assist victims of natural disasters. In 1991 the state militia maintained 138 armories in 117 Texas cities and spent about $250 million in state and federal money.

Post-Second World War trends thus continued to emphasize the historic relationship between the armed forces and the people of Texas. Indian tribes, Spain, Mexico, the Republic of Texas, the Confederacy, and the United States all resorted to warfare to resolve their perceived differences with other societies and governments. Their cultures, societies, economies, and demographic compositions were linked to things military. In sum, the influence of military affairs upon Texas history can hardly be overstated. Vidi takođe INDIAN AFFAIRS , ARMY OF THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS.

John Francis Bannon, The Spanish Borderlands Frontier, 1513&ndash1821 (New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1970). Alwyn Barr, Texans in Revolt: The Battle for San Antonio, 1835 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1990). Garna L. Christian, Black Soldiers in Jim Crow Texas, 1899&ndash1917 (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1995). Stephen L. Hardin, Texian Iliad: A Military History of the Texas Revolution (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1994). Elizabeth A. H. John, Storms Brewed in Other Men's Worlds: The Confrontation of Indians, Spanish, and French in the Southwest, 1540&ndash1795 (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1975). Joseph Milton Nance, After San Jacinto: The Texas-Mexican Frontier, 1836&ndash1841 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1963). James W. Pohl, The Battle of San Jacinto (Austin: Texas State Historical Association, 1989). William L. Richter, The Army in Texas during Reconstruction, 1865&ndash1870 (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1987). David Paul Smith, Frontier Defense in Texas, 1861&ndash1865 (Ph.D. dissertation, North Texas State University, 1987). Robert M. Utley, Frontier Regulars: The United States Army and the Indian, 1866&ndash1891 (New York: Macmillan, 1973). Robert L. Wagner, The Texas Army: A History of the 36th Division in the Italian Campaign (Austin, 1972). Richard P. Walker, "The Swastika and the Lone Star: Nazi Activity in Texas POW Camps," Military History of the Southwest 19 (Spring 1989). David J. Weber, New Spain's Far Northern Frontier (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1979). Ralph A. and Robert Wooster, "`Rarin' For a Fight': Texans in the Confederate Army," Southwestern Historical Quarterly 84 (April 1981). Robert Wooster, "The Army and the Politics of Expansion: Texas and the Southwestern Borderlands, 1870&ndash1886," Southwestern Historical Quarterly 93 (October 1989). Robert Wooster, "Military Strategy in the Southwest, 1848&ndash1860," Military History of Texas and the Southwest 15 (1979). Robert Wooster, Soldiers, Sutlers and Settlers: Garrison Life of the Texas Frontier (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1987).


Civil SocietyLone Star LifeTexas History Today in Texas History: Remembering the Alamo 184 Years Later

In the Lone Star State, the phrase “Remember the Alamo!” embodies heroism, courage, and refusal to surrender, even in the face of insurmountable odds.

The Battle of the Alamo was fought on March 6, 1836, between the Republic of Texas and Mexico.

After laying siege for thirteen days, more than 1,000 Mexican soldiers led by Mexican President and General Santa Anna stormed the roughly 4-acre adobe mission, killing nearly all of the 200 Texan soldiers inside.

The Texan soldiers, however, didn’t go down without a fight.

Led by Lieutenant Colonel William Travis, among other Texas heroes like James Bowie and folklore hero, Davy Crockett, the defenders refused to retreat.

Though they had received word of Santa Anna’s approach, the Texas soldiers, which included Texans from all walks of life, including doctors and farmers, made the decision to stay and fight despite being vastly outnumbered.

After only 90-minutes, the Alamo was taken and nearly all defenders, including William Travis, James Bowie, and Davy Crockett, were killed.

With the exception of some women, children, and servants, Santa Anna ordered the execution of all prisoners, even those who reportedly surrendered.

Although the battle culminated in the defeat and massacre of the Texan soldiers inside the fort, “Remember the Alamo!” became the rallying cry of Texans as they continued their fight against Santa Anna and his Mexican forces.

Specifically, “Remember the Alamo!” became the chant that galvanized the Texas militia led by commander Sam Houston at the Battle of San Jacinto, which ultimately led to victory, independence, and the end of the Texas Revolution on April 21.

History remembers the Battle of the Alamo as the turning point in the revolution leading up to Texas independence.

Today, the San Antonio landmark originally built in the 1700s as a home for Spanish missionaries sees more than 2.5 million visitors each year and remains an indelible part of the culture and lifeblood of Texas.

Disclosure: Unlike almost every other media outlet, The Texan is not beholden to any special interests, does not apply for any type of state or federal funding, and relies exclusively on its readers for financial support. If you&rsquod like to become one of the people we&rsquore financially accountable to, click here to subscribe.


The Battle of San Jacinto

Lokacija: La Porte
Date: April 21, 1836
Žrtve: Approximately 640 killed

The triumph of Santa Anna&rsquos army at the Battle of Coleto Creek and the deadly efficiency with which the Mexican dictator&rsquos wishes were carried out at Goliad led him to believe he really was the Napoleon of the West, a military genius on the cusp of quelling an annoying little rebellion. At the Battle of San Jacinto, he learned how wrong he was.

Santa Anna led seven hundred Mexican troops toward Harrisburg to capture officials from the Texas government. But when he arrived, he found that everyone had fled to Galveston, so he burned the town and headed toward Lynchburg. Santa Anna considered Houston a rival of no consequence. He was wrong about that too.

Houston, on the other hand, seemed destined to lead a rebellion. A man of intrigue and daring, he was intemperate, grave, and absorbed in his own vision of Manifest Destiny. He had resigned under a cloud of scandal as the governor of Tennessee lived for years with the Cherokee, who knew him as Big Drunk and come to Texas, like other rowdies and misfits, seeking redemption. But by San Jacinto, his troops were close to mutiny: Many of them thought Houston gutless, more interested in retreating than fighting.

&ldquoSan Jacinto was not so much a battle that Houston won but rather one that Santa Anna squandered,&rdquo explained Stephen L. Hardin, a professor at the Victoria College, who showed me around the battle site. A robust man with a silver beard, Hardin is the author of a history of the revolution titled Texian Iliad. He is firmly convinced that Houston is an overrated military leader, and he spent much of our afternoon together making his case.

We were sitting on a park bench on an elevated bank overlooking Buffalo Bayou, at the edge of what would have been the Texan camp on April 20, 1836. Just behind us were paved walkways, statues, and granite markers identifying sites where various units of Houston&rsquos army camped. One marked the spot where Santa Anna surrendered to a wounded Houston. Off to our right, rising out of the marsh like a black hulk from hell, was the battleship Teksas, which is berthed near where Juan Seguín&rsquos men would have pitched their tents. Except for the misplaced battleship, the park seemed to be an attractive and friendly place to contemplate history, here among a thick grove of oaks that gave the Texan army an advantage over the Mexican cavalry. Hardin is a battlefield purist, however, and he was disgusted by the way the site had been turned into a patriotic shrine. &ldquoThis isn&rsquot a monument, though that&rsquos what everyone calls it,&rdquo he fumed. &ldquoIt&rsquos a damn battleground!&rdquo

Directing my attention to the bayou, Hardin reminded me that the waterway was much narrower in 1836. &ldquoI think Houston was trying to find a way not to fight this battle,&rdquo Hardin told me. &ldquoI think it crossed his mind that he had time to build a bridge for his retreat across the bayou. United States Army units were stationed on the Sabine, and if Santa Anna got too close, they would move into Texas to defend U.S. sovereignty.&rdquo

&ldquoWouldn&rsquot that have changed the whole dynamics of the revolution?&rdquo I suggested.

&ldquoYou&rsquove heard the expression &lsquoI&rsquom a Texan first and an American second&rsquo?&rdquo Hardin replied. &ldquoWell, that applies to me. Houston, on the other hand, was an American first. If U.S. troops had entered the battle, Texas would have joined the Union immediately, and we never would have been a republic. Those ten years as a republic explain the exceptionalism that is the core of the Texas character.&rdquo

Hardin believes that all great battles have a crossroads. Houston&rsquos army came to just such a point soon after marching away from Groce&rsquos plantation, on the Brazos River. The men were spoiling for a fight Houston had other plans. Meanwhile, Santa Anna and his troops were headed for the coast.

Photograph of the battlefield, with the towering San Jacinto Monument in the background. Photograph by Jeff Wilson

Houston&rsquos fateful crossroads was an intersection near the town of Hempstead. The north road led to Nacogdoches and safety, the south road to Harrisburg and the enemy. As they approached the intersection, men began shouting, &ldquoTo the right, boys! To the right!&rdquo The small band of musicians leading the column made the turn without waiting for Houston&rsquos orders.

&ldquoOld Sam knew that if he took the north road, he would travel alone,&rdquo Hardin told me. &ldquoThe army led him toward the enemy against his will.&rdquo

So that I could better appreciate what it was like to be part of the battle, he walked me along the swampy path the Texan army took as it advanced on the Mexican position. Crossing Battleground Road, we headed in the direction of the San Jacinto Monument (as Miss Bayless never tired of reminding us, at nearly 570 feet, it is the tallest masonry column in the world). It rises from the crest of a ridge that gave cover to the advancing rebel army. The grounds crew had mowed a wide strip along the route, but Hardin insisted that we thrash through the tall grass, as Houston had.

I also wanted to appreciate the battle from Santa Anna&rsquos point of view, so we headed toward the far side of the field. There were no walkways or statues at the Mexican camp, no gravestones marking the 630 soldiers who were killed.

The Mexicans never saw the Texans coming. Santa Anna had expected Houston to attack on the evening of April 20, so he kept his troops up all night building barricades and breastworks. He then prepared for an attack at dawn, but that didn&rsquot happen either. At about nine o&rsquoclock in the morning on April 21, Mexican reinforcements arrived, hungry and exhausted. As shadows began to fall across the field late in the afternoon, Santa Anna gave an order to stand down. The men collapsed on their blankets, and according to legend&mdashwhich Hardin disputes&mdashSanta Anna went off to his tent to entertain a mulatto beauty who later became known as the Yellow Rose of Texas.

&ldquoIt drives me crazy to hear people say that Houston held off his attack until the Mexicans took their siesta,&rdquo Hardin told me.

&ldquoYeah, I remember my Texas history teacher telling us, &lsquoIsn&rsquot that just like a Mexican?&rsquo &rdquo I replied.

The battle began at about four-thirty with a deadly shower from the Twin Sisters, a pair of cannons donated to the rebel cause by the people of Cincinnati. At the same time, Mirabeau Lamar&rsquos horsemen charged on the Mexicans&rsquo left flank, and a four-piece band broke into its version of &ldquoWill You Come to the Bower?&rdquo Houston, mounted on his great stallion, Saracen, led rebel infantrymen as they swarmed the camp, mowing down the Mexicans before they could reach their weapons. Santa Anna had made the mistake of positioning his troops with their backs to the marsh, so there was no retreat.

The battle lasted just eighteen minutes, though the killing went on for hours. With memories of the Alamo and Goliad still searing, the bloodthirsty rebels committed atrocities every bit as deplorable as the Mexicans had. Mexicans fleeing into the woods were hunted down and slaughtered. Some were scalped. Others ran into a shallow pond called Peggy Lake. Rebel soldiers pursued and stood at the water&rsquos edge, shooting them for sport.

Hardin and I stood on the banks of the water for a time, trying to reconcile the price of liberty with the horror of this kind of warfare. As my friend Stephen Harrigan once observed in this magazine, &ldquoThe Texas Revolution, for all its airs, was in its darkest aspects a mean little race war.&rdquo It didn&rsquot start that way. It started as a rebellion against Santa Anna&rsquos rule. But Harrigan was right: In time it became something else.


Texas History Today in Texas History: John Henry Moore Leads Texian Militia at Battle of Gonzales

John Henry Moore led the ragtag Texian militia at the nearly bloodless and rather anticlimactic Battle of Gonzales — of “ Come and Take It ” fame.

But his path to Gonzales was a strange one.

Growing up in Rome, TN, Moore was like many of the men who eventually played a role in the Texas Revolution: young, brash, and in a hurry.

In 1818, after becoming burned out by studying Latin at college, Moore absconded to Texas — only to be dragged by his ear back to Tennessee by his father.

But even a father’s austerity could not squash the allure of Texas as Moore later left Tennessee for the state in which he’d spend the rest of his life.

Moore was granted a league, 4,428 acres of land away from the river, and a labor, 177 acres of land adjacent to the river together with his partner Thomas Gray. The pair were part of Stephen F. Austin’s original 300 Texans.

The two farmed and ranched their parcel together along with Gray’s daughters and the four slaves between them.

In modern day La Grange, Moore built a twin blockhouse and dubbed it, fitting and pithily, “ Moore’s Fort .” He married Eliza Cummins and together they had seven children, one of whom died in infancy while another lived to see a new century.

His first military action pitted him against American Indian tribes, such as the Waco and Tawakoni tribes, in the years that would lead up to the Texas Revolution.

As tensions bubbled up between Texas and Mexico, and not one to hold his tongue, Moore unabashedly backed Texian independence. So outspoken was Moore that his arrest was ordered by Martín Perfecto de Cos, Mexican President Antonio López de Santa Anna’s enforcer sent to curb the Texian unrest.

In the burgeoning fall of 1835, Moore was dispatched to Gonzales as Mexican forces rushed to confiscate a cannon from the Texians — one of enduring renown.

Accounts vary of just who came up with the iconic “Come and Take It” banner — a simple cannon insignia sandwiched by a lone star and the words which bear its name. But one of the theories holds that it was Moore’s brainchild.

Regardless, the banner would not be Moore’s most significant contribution to the spark that lit the fuse of the Texas Revolution.

Rather than sit back and wait, Moore ordered the militia attack the Mexican Army at dawn, taking them by relative surprise. The attack, coupled with the cannon’s boom, caused Captain Francisco Castañeda to request a ceasefire, upon which he and Moore conferred.

The main divide in Mexico and its territories was between its government’s, led by Santa Anna, preference for centralization and those outside the capital city’s, like the Texians, preference for federalism.

Disdain for a far-off power’s controlling edicts is a frequent theme to revolutions. The Texan one, just as the American Revolution 60 years prior, exemplified this as much as any.

Castañeda informed Moore he was a federalist but had to follow orders. And so, Moore returned to his line and ordered the Texians to fire on the Mexican regulars. Further following orders, Castañeda did what he could to avoid open conflict, retreating after suffering two losses to his opposition’s zero.

This enraged Santa Anna, something he viewed as a personal affront, who then ordered the full-scale invasion of Texas — which directly fed his ordered brutality at the Alamo and Goliad .

Moore was elected a colonel of the Texian Army and served in the new nation’s council of war during the revolution. A field report by Moore shows one of his responsibilities: head counting.

Austin even tasked him with forming his own pistol and double-barrel shotgun-wielding cavalry unit.

Moore remained in military service after Texas secured its independence at the Battle of San Jacinto , defending, at the personal direction of then-President Sam Houston, San Antonio from Indian and Mexican attack.

An 1842 letter from Moore to Edward Burleson, congratulating him on being selected Brigadier General for his volunteer force, shows the worries Texans faced of a potential second invasion by the Mexican forces.

This conflict would culminate in the Mexican-American War only a few years later, after which Texas joined the United States of America.

Later in life, in 1861, Moore joined the now-fabled 8 th Cavalry, dubbed “Terry’s Texas Rangers” but was too aged to fight. Instead, he sold war bonds. During the Civil War, Moore lost much of his possessions — mostly due to the freeing of his slaves.

In 1880, Moore died and was buried in his family cemetery just north of La Grange, but his grave marker was incorrectly dated 1877.

Moore planted roots in Texas and played a direct part in the reshaping of the American continent. It’s a legacy enshrined in the iconic banner which beamed overhead his militiamen in Gonzales 185 years ago today.

And it’s a legacy bookended by the peculiarity life often produces. What began with a schoolboy’s scorn ended with a graveyard gaffe, yet the pages in between convey lightyears more about John Henry Moore.

Disclosure: Unlike almost every other media outlet, The Texan is not beholden to any special interests, does not apply for any type of state or federal funding, and relies exclusively on its readers for financial support. If you&rsquod like to become one of the people we&rsquore financially accountable to, click here to subscribe.


1836 The Battle of San Jacinto

During the Texan War for Independence, the Texas militia under Sam Houston launches a surprise attack against the forces of Mexican General Santa Anna along the San Jacinto River. The Mexicans were thoroughly routed, and hundreds were taken prisoner, including General Santa Anna himself.

After gaining independence from Spain in the 1820s, Mexico welcomed foreign settlers to sparsely populated Texas, and a large group of Americans led by Stephen F. Austin settled along the Brazos River. The Americans soon outnumbered the resident Mexicans, and by the 1830s attempts by the Mexican government to regulate these semi-autonomous American communities led to rebellion. In March 1836, in the midst of armed conflict with the Mexican government, Texas declared its independence from Mexico.

The Texas volunteers initially suffered defeat against the forces of Santa Anna–Sam Houston’s troops were forced into an eastward retreat, and the Alamo fell. However, in late April, Houston’s army surprised a Mexican force at San Jacinto, and Santa Anna was captured, bringing an end to Mexico’s effort to subdue Texas. In exchange for his freedom, Santa Anna recognized Texas’s independence although the treaty was later abrogated and tensions built up along the Texas-Mexico border.


1836-1844

Texans rebel against government of Mexico revolution ends at Battle of San Jacinto.

Sam Houston becomes first president of Republic of Texas.

Republic of Texas constructs Forts Little River, Houston, and Colorado to protect the northern and western frontiers of white settlement.

A large force of Indians, mostly Comanches, attack a private fort built by Silas and James Parker near the upper Navasota River. Silas and two women are killed, his daughter Cynthia Ann (9), son John (6), Mrs. Elizabeth Kellogg, Mrs. Rachel Plummer and her son James are carried away.

Mirabeau B. Lamar, second president of the Republic of Texas, convinces Texas Congress to move capital from Houston to Austin, near what is then the northwestern frontier of white settlement.

Lamar sends a large force to evict Cherokee and Kickapoo villagers from Texas. Cherokee Chief Bowl (Duwali) is killed in the ensuring battle near the upper Neches River. As a group of Cherokees tries to reach Mexico, a battle near the San Saba River ends the effort and the Cherokee War in Texas.

A force of rangers under John H. Moore, and Lipan allies under Chief Castro, attack a Comanche camp near the San Saba river, but loses its horses and is forced to retreat.

A battle near the present-day city of Temple between a ranger force under Capt. John Bird and a group of Indians results in the deaths of Bird and a Comanche chief.

A negotiation with Comanche chiefs in San Antonio results in the battle known as the "Council House Fight."

In retaliation for the deaths of most of their chiefs in San Antonio, hundreds of Comanches sweep through central Texas, attacking Victoria and Linnville, on the Gulf Coast.

Indians returning from the raid on Victoria and Linnville are intercepted by a force of rangers and militia at Plum Creek and suffer severe losses.

Moore leads a punitive expedition of rangers and Lipans against a Comanche camp on the upper Colorado River. An estimated 125 men, women, and children are killed and 500 horses captured.

A policy of offering land for colonization is adopted, ultimately resulting in The Peters Colony contract (north Texas), Castro Colony contract (west and south of San Antonio) and Fisher-Miller Grant (hill country).

A large militia force attacks a group of Indian villages on Village Creek near the upper Trinity River. The Indians, estimated at more than 1,000, subsequently abandon the area. Fort Bird is established nearby as the most northwesterly white outpost on the frontier. The subsequent town of Birdville serves as the Tarrant County seat from 1849 to 1856.

Sam Houston, elected to a second term as president, orders government moved temporarily from Austin to Houston to reduce vulnerability to Mexican army.

Mexican forces under Generals Rafael Vasquez and Adrian Woll retaliate for Texan expedition to Santa Fe by invading Texas and occupying San Antonio.

A series of negotiations, known as the Tehuacana Creek Councils, results in treaties of commerce with numerous Indian bands, including southern Comanches. The trade relationships help reduce frontier warfare for a short period.

John Coffee Hays' 14-man ranger company attacks a Comanche raiding party under Yellow Wolf near the Guadalupe River. Yellow Wolf, a number of other Indians, and one ranger are killed. The battle is fought on horseback and is believed to be the first such matching the rangers' Colt revolvers against Comanche lances.


Pogledajte video: THE HISTORIC SAN JACINTO INN, NEAR THE SAN JACINTO MONUMENT, TEXAS