Theresienstadt

Theresienstadt

Theresienstadt je bio koncentracioni logor koji se nalazio trideset pet milja od Praga. Kako je rat odmicao, Theresienstadt je postao tranzitni logor za Jevreje koji su krenuli prema Auschwitzu u Poljskoj.


Život unutar koncentracionog logora Theresienstadt

Do masovnog iseljavanja njemačkih Židova u Theresienstadt, kamp u getu imao je pretežno češki jevrejski karakter. Krajem 1941. u njemu je bilo smješteno 7.545 Židova iz Praga i Brna. U narednih šest mjeseci u tvrđavu je stisnuto 26.524 Jevreja iz cijele Češke i Moravske. Između jula i decembra 1942. broj dolazaka čeških Jevreja ponovo se udvostručio, ali za to vrijeme hiljade je deportovano kroz ono što je na snazi ​​bilo na okretnim vratima Theresienstadta. Zamijenilo ih je približno 53 000 njemačkih i 13 000 austrijskih Jevreja, iako su mnogi od njih, također, uklonjeni na istok nakon samo nekoliko tjedana ili mjeseci. Od sredine 1942. unutrašnja administracija, kao i vanjski izgled i ambijent Theresienstadta promijenili su se kako bi odražavali demografsku transformaciju.

Luk koncentracionog logora Theresienstadt sa izrazom “Arbeit macht frei ” (rad vas čini besplatnim). Autor Andrew Shiva. Slika je u javnom vlasništvu putem Wikimedia.com

Helga Weiss i njena porodica bile su među prvim jevrejskim porodicama u Pragu koje su nasilno posađene. Nekoliko sedmica po dolasku doživjeli su dva šoka. Prvo je 9. januara 1942. devet mladića obješeno zbog očigledno beznačajnog zločina pokušaja krijumčarenja pisama iz geta. Nakon ovog zločina uslijedila je vijest da će 1.000 stanovnika biti prevezeno u Rigu. Helga je izrazila opće razočaranje kada je razmišljala: „Mislili smo da ćemo barem sada u Terezinu biti pošteđeni ovoga.“ Umjesto toga, od tada je svaki dan živio pod prijetnjom deportacije. Užas uklanjanja bio je uporedan sa zadovoljstvom susreta s prijateljima i porodicom dok je transport nailazio. Bilo je toliko okupljanja da je Weiss primijetio: 'Prag je stigao. . .

Počeci Teresienštata

Do sredine 1942. godine deportirani Židovi dijelili su grad-tvrđavu sa svojim autohtonim stanovništvom. No, dok su Česi živjeli u obiteljskim kućama, Židovi su bili odvojeni po spolu i spakirani u izvorne barake i stambene prostorije prilagođene drugim instalacijama. U sudetskoj kasarni živjelo je pedeset muškaraca u svakoj prostoriji, složeni u krevete, a žene u magdeburškoj kasarni imale su nešto više prostora. Devojčice su ostale sa majkama, a dečaci sa očevima sve do navršene dvanaeste godine, kada su se mladi uselili u dečije domove koji su nudili više prostora, bolje uslove i sobe za školovanje. Očekivalo se da će se svi odrasli osim starih i nemoćnih pridružiti radnim grupama, od kojih su mnoge djelovale izvan zidina tvrđave. Geto je čuvao detalj 120-150 čeških žandara. Jevreji su retko viđali Nemca.

Tokom češkog perioda, Eichmann i njegov zamjenik Siegfried Seidl, koji je bio zadužen za svakodnevno vođenje geta, imenovali su Jacoba Edelsteina za starješinu, a Otto Zucker za njegovog zamjenika. Obojica su bili cionisti i iza sebe su imali godine javnog rada. Predsjedavali su vijećem od trinaest starijih koji su nadgledali nekoliko odjela koji se bave administracijom, izgradnjom i održavanjem, finansijama, radnim i ekonomskim pitanjima i zdravljem. 'Ordnungswache', ili Watch Watch, patrolirao je ulicama i pratio Jevreje u i iz getoa. Ono što je najvažnije, unutrašnja administracija bila je odgovorna za vođenje registra svih stanovnika i birala je ko će otići kada Nemci odrede deportaciju. Stvarne liste deportacija sastavio je Odbor za transport. Budući da je uvijek bio meta intenzivnog lobiranja, tokom dana i sati prije deportacije, Žalbena komisija je ispitala zahtjeve za izuzeće.

Norbert Troller redizajnira Theresienstadt

Na prvi pogled, Nijemci su jasno odredili kategorije u smjernicama koje je Vijeće izdalo 5. marta 1942. Porodice s malom djecom nisu se trebale razbijati. Muškarci s odlikovanjima za služenje vojnog roka ili teškim ratnim ranama bili su izuzeti. Nije bilo uključeno svako ko je bio bolestan, stariji od šezdeset pet godina ili u mješovitom braku. Bilo ko sa stranim državljanstvom (osim Poljaka, sovjetskih državljana i ljudi iz Luksemburga) bio je sputan. Konačno, bilo ko u prva dva transporta iz Praga bio je privilegiran, uključujući mnoge koji su radili u unutrašnjoj administraciji. Izvan ovih formalnih kategorija bilo je mnogo osnova za žalbu i lobiranje.

Češki kompozitor Rafael Schachter. Slika je u javnom vlasništvu putem Wikimedia.com

Norbert Troller, četrdesetšestogodišnji arhitekta iz Brna i veteran Velikog rata, deportovan je u Teresienstadt u martu 1942. godine nakon prisilnog rada u jednoj fabrici. Po dolasku mu je dodijeljen krevet u sudetskoj kasarni i započeo je sa tronedeljnim ručnim radom, što je bio običaj za pridošlice.

Troller ’s Posvećenost

Zatim je raspoređen u tehničko odjeljenje, gdje je dizajnirao prostorije za život logoraša i SS -a. Troller je brzo saznao da Theresienstadt nije ništa poput kraja linije i da opstanak ovisi o dobivanju 'zaštite' od nekoga u administraciji koji bi mogao zadržati vaše ime s transportnih lista. „Koncept„ zaštite “, napisao je u memoarima,„ bio je od iznimne važnosti za sve nas da je zasjenio bilo koja druga razmatranja. “Ipak, u razmaku između prijevoza koji je odlazio svake sedmice Theresienstadt je pulsirao životom. „Bilo je posla i razonode, zabrinutosti oko sanitarnih uslova, stanovanja, zdravstvene zaštite, brige o djeci, vođenja evidencije, izgradnje, pozorišta, koncerata, predavanja, a sve je funkcioniralo što je bolje moguće u datim okolnostima.“ Ali čim se čulo da je još 1.000 do 2.000 ljudi moralo je otići u roku od nekoliko dana, stanovništvo nije moglo smisliti ništa osim 'zaštite'.

Troller je hladnokrvno analizirao demoralizirajući učinak borbe za transport. „U strahu od smrti, u početku se polako, ali zatim velikom brzinom zaboravljaju pravila etike, pristojnosti i korisnosti. . . Po svaku cijenu pokušavamo spriječiti izvršenje smrtne presude nad nama i našim najmilijima. . . Da bi se izbjegla ta sudbina, moralo se učiniti sve da se uvrsti u privilegiranu skupinu "zaštićenih". ’Njegova je sreća bila da ima vještine koje su ga kvalificirale za osoblje jevrejske uprave. Njegov šef u arhitektonskom uredu štitio ga je od preko dvadeset pet češljanja. Troller je tada mogao učiniti usluge još utjecajnijim likovima geta i, na kraju, dobiti posao od SS -a. Ali još uvijek nije mogao zaštititi svoju sestru i njenu kćer, koje su prevezene nekih šest mjeseci nakon što su sve stigle.

Psihološka korupcija

Troller je oplakivao sistem sastavljanja spiskova i 'psihološku korupciju' koja je pogodila pojedince dok su se međusobno borili kako bi izbjegli deportaciju. ‘S đavolskom podlošću i lukavošću oni [SS]. . . na Jevreje stavljaju teret odabira da sami odaberu svoje suvjernike, rodbinu, svoje prijatelje. Na kraju je ovaj nepodnošljiv, očajnički, ciničan teret uništio vođe zajednice koji su bili prisiljeni izvršiti odabir. Moć života i smrti nametnuta Vijeću staraca bio je glavni razlog, neizbježna sila, iza sve veće korupcije u getu. . . ’Ali znao je da nije nevin. ‘Kako mogu oprostiti sebi što sam podlegao egoističnim, nemilosrdnim, neshvatljivim postupcima prema svojim sustradama kad god je prijetila opasnost. . . ’

U svojoj odlučnosti da zadrže privid normalnog života, posebno za djecu, i očuvaju njihovu humanost, Jevreji iz Theresienstadta podržali su niz obrazovnih i kulturnih inicijativa. Helga Weiss je počela pohađati nastavu i preselila se u dječiji dom gdje je učila češki, geografiju, historiju i matematiku. Mladići s kojima je živjela dijelili su mnoštvo knjiga i odlazili na predstave izvedene na tavanima, jedini slobodni prostor dostupan za takve zabave. ‘Jučer sam otišao pogledati The Kiss. Igra se u Magdeburgu, gore u potkrovlju. Iako se pjeva samo uz pratnju klavira, bez zavjesa i kostima, dojam koji ostavlja ne može biti veći čak ni u Narodnom pozorištu. '

Zarobljene Židovke u ulici Wesselényi, Budimpešta, Mađarska, 20. - 22. listopada 1944. Slika je u javnom vlasništvu putem Wikimedia.com

Propadanje morala i društvenih barijera

Odrasli su uživali u ovim smetnjama i našli su zemaljsko zadovoljstvo. Troller je ironično promatrao muškarce kako se ušunjaju u podrum uglja ženske kasarne radi unaprijed dogovorene veze sa svojim suprugama, koje su se kasnije pojavile sa "leđima pocrnjenim ugljem". Bračno nevjerstvo postalo je uobičajeno jer su tradicionalni moralni standardi uvenuli pod prijetnjom slučajnog izumiranja. Uprkos gladi i nesmanjenim mirisima tela, muškarci i žene su uspostavili odnose, neki iz ljubavi, a drugi u funkcionalnije svrhe. '

S jedne strane, postojala je spontana, istinska, vječna ljubav, s druge strane, bili smo suočeni s stalnom prijetnjom odvajanja, seksa, požude, atmosfere u loncu pod pritiskom, brzo, brzo, bez otmjenih fraza, prije sljedećeg prijevoza do istok nas zaustavlja. . . ’Nevenčanim muškarcima poput Trollera, posebno onima koji su bili privilegirani, nije nedostajalo djevojaka. On i njegov prijatelj su napravili kumbal, rupu u kojoj su mogli imati privatnost i zabavu. Međutim, postojao je strogi bonton. Očekivalo se da će privilegirani radnik koji je posjedovao kumbal ponuditi poklon gospođi prijateljici, poput hrane ili cigareta. Ali ponekad je to bio samo slučaj zadovoljenja nagona. Jednog popodneva Norbertova pratiteljica Lilly pojavila se kod njega i najavila: 'Nori - treba mi jebote, hajde.'

Dnevnik Philipa Manesa

Pojava hiljada starijih njemačkih Jevreja umanjila je prkosno bujnu atmosferu u getu koju su obrađivali mlađi Česi, ali je obogatila njen kulturni život. Među pridošlicama u julu 1942. bili su Philipp Manes i njegova supruga. Manes je bio šezdesetsedmogodišnji veteran Velikog rata i nosilac Gvozdenog krsta. Vodio je agenciju za krzno u Berlinu sve dok ga nacisti nisu ugasili, a zadnjih nekoliko mjeseci proveo je kao operater presa za bušenje u jednoj tvornici.

U svom dnevniku je detaljno opisao posljednje sate u kući u kojoj je živio sa suprugom i gdje su odgajali četvero djece. 'Činilo se nezamislivim da se moramo odreći cijele imovine, ostaviti iza sebe sve što smo stekli tokom 37 godina braka. . . Sav naš imetak trebali su prisvojiti stranci. Prolazili bi kroz sve ladice i ormare i izbacivali stvari koje su im bile bezvrijedne - naše dragocjene stvari. Nezamislivo. '

Ali u 9.30 ujutro u dogovoreno jutro, dva oficira Gestapoa i dva židovska maršala došli su ih otpratiti do kombija za prijevoz koji je služio kao prijevoz. Nekoliko sati kasnije razriješeni su u jevrejskom Domu za starije osobe na Grosse Hamburgerstrasse zajedno s desetinama drugih deportiranih. Sljedećeg dana rečeno im je da je njihova imovina eksproprisana jer su krivi za 'komunističke aktivnosti'. Manes, ustrajni konzervativac, "prihvatio je ovo poniženje u tišini". Na njihovim pasošima je stajao pečat 'evakuisani iz Berlina 23. jula' i 'time je naš život kao građana Njemačke okončan'.

Posjetnica Eduarda Manesa prije ulaska u Theresienstadt. Slika je u javnom vlasništvu putem Wikimedia.com

Potresna istina Theresienstadta

Sledećeg jutra u tri sata prevezeni su do stanice Anhalter. „Izbačeni smo iz života koje smo sami sebi stvorili, radeći pedeset godina kako bismo svoje poslovanje okrunili uspjehom. . . i evo nas s nekoliko efekata koje možemo nositi sa sobom u torbama i ruksakima. '

Zajedno sa svojim kolegama, nespremnim putnicima, osjećali su nadu da će Theresienstadt ispuniti obećanje. Ono što su zapravo otkrili bilo je razorno. Prvo su im oduzeli dragocjenosti i kofere. Do kraja ljeta Manes je osuđen na nošenje teške zimske odjeće koju je obukao za put. Odveli su ih u štalu sa zidovima od cigle i dali im uputstvo da spavaju na zemlji. Postojala je samo jedna česma i odvratna zajednička zahod. Na kraju su dobili svoje posteljine i neke lične stvari koje su ponijeli sa sobom u nove odaje opremljene krevetima na sprat. No, to je podrazumijevalo odvajanje muškaraca od žena, a daske za krevete bile su prošarane stjenicama. Daleko od toga da je bio dom za umirovljenike, Theresienstadt je bila svakodnevna životna bitka.

'' Geto '' znači odricanje ili moratorij na moral '', povjerio se Manes svom dnevniku. 'Kad je glad pobijedila civilizirano ponašanje i srušila sve inhibicije, svi su se dali jednom osjećaju i jednom cilju: zasićenju po svaku cijenu. Pravda, sigurnost, vlasništvo i red jednostavno su podlegli ovom prirodnom instinktu. Oni koji nisu bili svjedoci kako su stari ljudi na kraju podjele hrane uronili u prazne kace, grebajući ih žlicama, čak i stružući stolove na kojima se jela posluživala noževima, tražeći ostatke hrane, ne mogu shvatiti koliko brzo ljudi dostojanstvo se može izgubiti. '

Divljenje češkom patriotizmu i jevrejskom ponosu

Nakon nekoliko tjedana administracija je zatražila od Manesa da formira pomoćnu stražu za Red kako bi pomogla dezorijentiranim ili dementnim starijim Židovima čija su lutanja i nevolje izazivali nelagodu u ostatku stanovništva. On je ovu poziciju iskoristio za početak predavanja, a ubrzo se obratio stotinjak gledalaca. Na kraju su njegovi razgovori evoluirali u kulturni program koji je zapošljavao šezdeset pet muškaraca i žena. Predavanja, čitanja drame i recitacije poezije na njemačkom jeziku donijeli su veliku utjehu Berlincima i bečkim Jevrejima koji su inače bili skroz lutali u češkom govornom okruženju.

Manes se divio češkim Jevrejima zbog njihovog patriotizma i židovskog ponosa, ali je primijetio da oni nisu uzvratili tu toplinu. Dvije grupe su se borile za moć, osporavajući raspodjelu privilegija, rada i obroka. ‘S jedne strane bilo je obilja i dobrog života, koji se nije dijelio s druge, beskrajna glad.’ Manes je posebno zamjerio činjenicu da su češki Jevreji imali pravo primati pakete s hranom i činilo se da su iz kuhinja dobili bolje obroke. „Mora se reći“, priznao je s mjerom samoprijekora, „jevrejski Čeh nas ne voli. On nas vidi samo kao Nijemce. '

Prenapučenost se pogoršava

Čak i nakon što je nejevrejsko stanovništvo iseljeno iz grada, dolazak njemačkih i austrijskih Židova izazvao je akutnu prenapučenost. U kombinaciji s pothranjenošću zbog smanjene opskrbe hranom i loših sanitarnih uvjeta, to je povećalo stopu smrtnosti. U decembru 1941. u getu je umrlo samo 48 Jevreja. Nakon marta broj se popeo na 259, ali to je manje -više bilo u skladu s povećanjem broja stanovnika. U julu 1942. bilo je u prosjeku 32 smrtnih slučajeva dnevno, ukupno 2.327 u augustu, a najmanje 131 svaki dan tokom cijelog septembra. Prema Manesu, ovo je bilo "vrijeme velikih umiranja starih i vrlo starih koji sa svojim slomljenim, slabim tijelima, istrošenim, iskorijenjenim dušama i neostvarivom čežnjom za svojom dalekom djecom nisu mogli odoljeti ni blagom bolest.'

Njemački vojnici tjeraju uhapšene Jevreje u opštinsko pozorište. Oktobar 1944. Bundesarchiv. Slika je u javnom vlasništvu putem Wikimedia.com

U rujnu 1942. Nijemci su naredili deportaciju starijih Židova, kako bi se smanjila prosječna starost stanovništva i ponovo uravnotežio broj zaposlenih. Helga Weiss se užasnula vidjevši te transporte. „Altertransports. 10.000 bolesnih, hromih, na samrti, svi stariji od 65 godina. . . Zašto poslati bespomoćne ljude? . . . zar im ne mogu dopustiti da umru ovdje na miru? Uostalom, to je ono što ih čeka. Čuvari geta viču i trče ispod naših prozora da zatvaraju ulicu. Još jedna grupa je na putu. . . Koferi, nosila, leševi. Tako to ide cijelu sedmicu. Leševi na dvotočkašima i živo na mrtvačkim kolicima. . . ’

„Schleuse“ (staza) na stanici Bohusovice

Za dva mjeseca, 17.780 starih zatvorenika izašlo je iz geta preko 'Schleuse', izlazne rampe koja je vodila do stanice Bohusovice. Do kraja godine udio stanovnika geta starijih od šezdeset pet godina pao je sa 45 na 33 posto.

Seidl je insistirao na tome da se vijeće treba restrukturirati tako da odražava omjer njemačkih, austrijskih i čeških Jevreja. U oktobru je Heinrich Stahl, jedan od vođa Reichsvereinigung -a, imenovan za zamjenika Edelsteina. Početkom 1943. godine, kada je stanovništvo podjednako podijeljeno između Čeha i Nijemaca, Seidl je naredio formiranje trijumvirata koji će se sastojati od Edelsteina, Paula Eppsteina, člana berlinskog židovskog vodstva i Josefa Loewenherza iz Beča. Nedugo zatim Loewenherz je ispao iz slike i Seidl je vlast stavio u ruke Eppsteina, a Bečanin Benjamin Murmelstein kao zamjenik uz Edelsteina. Narednih godinu i po dana ti će ljudi odrediti ko će živjeti u Theresienstadtu ili će otići na prijevoz.

DAVID CESARANI, OBE bio je profesor istorije na Univerzitetu Royal Holloway, Univerzitet. iz Londona i nagrađivani autor knjige Becoming Eichmann and Major Farran ’s Hat. Odlikovan je OBE -om za usluge obrazovanja holokausta i savjetovanje britanske vlade o uspostavi Dana sjećanja na holokaust. Umro je u oktobru 2015. Autor je ZAVRŠNOG RJEŠENJA: Sudbina Jevreja 1933-1949.


Naučite istoriju: Život u Theresienstadtu u Dnevniku Eve Ginzove

U ovoj lekciji studenti će steći dublje razumijevanje geta Theresienstadt i iskustva njegovih stanovnika tokom posljednjih mjeseci holokausta. Učenici će u ovom trenutku čitati dnevnike koje je napisala Eva Ginzova i razmatrati ih u kontekstu niza dodatnih primarnih izvora iz geta.

Odgajatelji i učenici se potiču da pročitaju uvod u dnevnik Eve Ginzove u Spasene stranice, str. 160–67. On pruža vrijedne informacije o pisčevom životu i povijesnom kontekstu za čitanje dnevnika.

Pregled

Osnovni dnevnički zapisi iz Spasene stranice korišćeno u ovoj lekciji: Eva Ginzova, 24. juna 1944, 16. i 22. septembra 1944

Ovu lekciju je prvobitno izradila edukatorka holokausta Colleen Tambuscio.

Nacisti su stvorili geta za konsolidaciju, segregaciju i izolaciju Jevreja. Zatim su im oduzeli sredstva za život, iskoristili ih za rad i oduzeli im dostojanstvo i ljudskost. Oni su osnovali najmanje 1.000 geta u Njemačkoj okupiranoj Poljskoj i Sovjetskom Savezu tokom Drugog svjetskog rata. S provođenjem masovnog ubijanja Židova, počev od kraja 1941., Nijemci su počeli prazniti geta, deportirajući preživjele Jevreje u centre za ubijanje ili radne logore.

Nijemci su osnovali geto u Terezinu (Theresienstadt na njemačkom), u blizini Praga, 1941. 1 Petr i Eva Ginz definirani su kao mischlingeili "mješovita rasa" sa jednim jevrejskim i jednim nejevrejskim roditeljem. Petr je deportiran u Theresienstadt 1942. godine, a Eva je uslijedila 1944. Ona je počela pisati svoj dnevnik šest sedmica nakon što je stigla u Theresienstadt, prepričavajući svoju svakodnevnu borbu za preživljavanje tokom posljednjih mjeseci Drugog svjetskog rata.

Fokus pitanja

Dnevnici iz geta odražavaju iskustva njihovih pisaca o ekstremnoj oskudici, uključujući loše uslove života, bolest i glad. Pisci su se takođe borili sa sveprisutnom prijetnjom deportacije.

  • Što možete naučiti o specifičnom karakteru života u Theresienstadtu iz Evinog dnevnika? Koji su glavni problemi sa kojima se suočila?
  • Na osnovu vašeg pregleda drugih primarnih izvora iz Theresienstadta, šta Evin dnevnik dodaje vašem razumijevanju? Iznenađuje li vas nešto u tome ili je u suprotnosti s drugim dijelovima povijesnog zapisa?
  • Kako ocjenjujete vrijednost Evinog dnevnika kao ličnog izvještaja u kontekstu drugih povijesnih izvora? Šta svaki od njih pruža? Je li jedan vrijedniji od drugog? Zašto ili na koji način? Razmotrite mnoge načine na koje različiti primarni izvori doprinose razumijevanju povijesne prošlosti.

Citati

  • 1 : Tokom ove lekcije Terezín, češko ime grada u kojem je tvrđava prvobitno izgrađena, prvenstveno će se koristiti umjesto imena dodijeljenog pod njemačkom okupacijom, Theresienstadt. Kada se koristi njemački naziv, on se odnosi na određeno vrijeme njemačke okupacije.

Aktivnosti

Otvarač: Pročitajte članak Eve Ginzove

24. juna [1944]

U srijedu će proći šest tjedana otkako sam prvi put stigao ovdje. Došli smo ovdje vlakom gdje smo imali cijeli vagon za sebe. [. . .] Naše torbe, velike i male, bile su s nama u jednom vagonu, a također su ih s nama prevozile kamionom do Terezina. Dok smo prolazili kroz Boušovice (veliko selo sa čistim kućama), ljudi su zastali i pogledali nas. Već smo mogli vidjeti Terezín u daljini sa crkvenim tornjem koji se uzdiže iznad njega. Već sam se radovao što ću vidjeti Petra, strica, Pavla i Hanku i sve one koje poznajem. . .Stvarno smo stigli upravo kad su prijevozi krenuli za Birkenau. Ovaj put je otišlo 755 ljudi-jadnici. 2 Odveli su nas u hamburšku kasarnu gdje smo bili zatvoreni tri dana. Uzeli su nam torbe i nisu nam dali hranu. Patili smo od velike gladi. Bili smo u prilici da gledamo kroz prozor i kad je Petr došao da me vidi i razgovara sa mnom kroz prozor, donio mi je nešto za jelo. [. . .]

Moram samo dodati par redova. Ovim pisanjem se osjećam mnogo bolje jer sam cijelo vrijeme osjećao da vam pišem pismo, draga mama i tata. Čini se da je prošlo toliko vremena otkad smo se zadnji put vidjeli kad smo se rastali na aveniji Dlouhá. [. . .] Šaljem vam veliki poljubac za laku noć, mama i tata. 3

Opišite Evino putovanje i početne utiske o Theresienstadtu. Iz ovog unosa, što možemo zaključiti o svjetskim događajima koji se odvijaju izvan geta? Koje su vam se rečenice istaknule? Koja pitanja ostaju?

U ovoj je aktivnosti vrlo važno da se studenti upoznaju s istorijom geta Theresienstadt. Pročitajte zajedno sažetak Theresienstadta i sažetak njemačke okupacije Čehoslovačke sa web stranice Memorijalnog muzeja holokausta Sjedinjenih Država.

Glavna aktivnost: Život u Theresienstadtu - čitanje kao povjesničar

Dnevnici iz holokausta povijesni su artefakti koji studentima nude jedinstvenu priliku za vježbanje historijskog čitanja i vještina istorijske analize. Iako se termini mogu razlikovati, četiri osnovne vještine su:

  • Izvor
    • Pitajte: Ko je autor? Koje je stanovište autora? Zašto je napisano? Kada je napisano? Je li ovaj izvor vjerodostojan? Zašto? Zašto ne?
    • Pitajte: Šta se još događalo u vrijeme kada je ovo napisano? Šta se može zaključiti iz dokumenta? Kako je bilo biti živ u ovo doba? Koje su stvari tada bile drugačije? Koje su stvari bile iste?
    • Pitajte: Koje tvrdnje autor iznosi? Koje dokaze autor koristi u prilog tim tvrdnjama? Kako se osjećam zbog ovog dokumenta? Koje riječi ili fraze autor koristi da me uvjeri da je u pravu? Koje podatke autor izostavlja?
    • Pitajte: Šta govore drugi dokazi? Podržavaju li drugi izvori ovaj dokument ili su mu kontradiktorni: Nalazim li različite verzije priče? Zašto ili zašto ne? Koji su dokazi najvjerodostojniji? 4

    Neka učenici sa sljedećom aktivnošću vježbaju čitanje i analiziranje poput istorije.

    1. Otvorite lekciju s Evinim dnevnikom tako što ćete pregledati Izvor sa učenicima, a zatim razgovarati o Kontekstualizaciji.
    2. Pređite na detaljno čitanje Zapisnika Eve Ginzove o njenom jevrejskom identitetu, 16. septembra 1944, i Zapisa Eve Ginzove u Geteu Theresienstadt, 22. septembra 1944. Čitajte naglas dok učenici podvlače i identifikuju pojedinosti iz njenog života u getu. Na primjer, u prvih nekoliko redova unosa od 22. septembra 1944, u tekstu Eva kaže: "U Terezinu sada postoji neka vrsta epidemije." Pitanja učenika mogu uključivati: Šta je epidemija? Kako počinje epidemija? Kako se širi epidemija? Koji su uslovi potrebni za izbijanje epidemije? Zašto je Petr bio ranjiv? Ova pitanja i diskusija koja može rezultirati dobri su primjeri kontekstualizacije. Ovi detalji bili bi jaki historijski detalji koje treba naglasiti.
    3. Neka učenici raspravljaju u malim grupama o redovima koje su odabrali iz ovih unosa. Neka učenici postave sličan niz pitanja o tim stihovima kao i oni modelirani s Evinim osvrtom na epidemiju. Podijelite odlomke i pitanja s razredom.
    4. Potvrda: Neka učenici istraže i otkriju potkrepljujuće dokaze za izjave koje su odabrali iz Evinog dnevnika. Koristeći dolje navedenu bazu podataka Yad Vashem, neka učenici odaberu tri primarna izvora (tj. Artefakte, dnevnike i pisma, dokumente, unose u leksikon, karte i grafikone, fotografije, svjedočanstva ili umjetnost) koji su slični odabiru dnevnika koje su odabrali.

    Yad Vashem: Resursni centar za holokaust ima opsežnu zbirku materijala za studentska istraživanja. Može biti od pomoći pomoći studentima u početnom istraživanju pomoću alata za pretraživanje koji se nalaze u donjem desnom dijelu web stranice.

    Citati

    • 2 : Kako je navedeno u FN 11, Spasene stranice, str. 460: Pripremajući se za posjet Crvenog križa Terezinu u ljeto 1944. godine, a kako bi se izbjegla pojava pretrpanosti i sramotnog prisustva bolesnih ili slabih ljudi i djece bez roditelja, zapovjednik geta Karl Rahm naredio je deportaciju sedamdeset pet stotine Jevreja trebalo bi da se održe u tri transporta u maju. Iako je logorašima rečeno da su ti deportirani krenuli u područje Drezdena, oni su umjesto toga otišli u Auschwitz-Birkenau u takozvani porodični logor. Iako je Eva iskreno priznala da su ti deportirani bili poslani u Birkenau (kao što je njen brat učinio u svom dnevniku u kojem se spominju drugi transporti u decembru 1943.), i premda je u ranom dijelu dnevnika spominjala logor u drugim kontekstima, ne postoji razlog da pretpostavimo da je bilo koji od njih u to vrijeme znao bilo šta o pravoj prirodi logora ili masovnim ubistvima tamo. Zaista, tek u proljeće 1945., kada je dvanaest hiljada preživjelih logoraša smrti došlo u Terezin, prava priroda Birkenaua i drugih logora smrti postala je poznata široj populaciji. (Berkley, Hitlerov dar, 169-70, 200.)

    Ocenjivanje

    Neka učenici, pojedinačno ili u malim grupama, iznesu svoje potkrepljujuće dokaze i kako oni podržavaju informacije iz dnevnika. Predložite učenicima da koriste fokus pitanja iz ove lekcije za strukturiranje svoje prezentacije.

    Podijelite sljedeći primjer kao model:

    Dobijam injekciju kako bih se udebljao. Navodno sam užasno mršav.

    (Istraživanje potvrde: Obroci hrane u getovima, drugi primjeri dehumanizacije)

    Odlazi transport - muškarci od šesnaest do pedeset godina odlaze na posao u Njemačku. . . Ne znam jesu li polu-Židovi zaštićeni od ovoga.


    Preobrazba geta Theresienstadt

    Ovih dana obilježavamo događaj koji je ušao u istoriju holokausta kao „preobražaj“ geta Theresienstadt. Ovom prilikom, prije svega, obilježavamo sjećanje na zatvorenike geta Theresienstadt, koji nisu samo nepravedno zatvoreni, već su ih ubili glad, nepodnošljivi životni uvjeti, pogubljenja i deportacije u plinske komore Auschwitza i drugih logora za istrebljenje, a također su zlostavljani zbog apsurdan spektakl: kako bi prikrili stvarne uslove u takozvanom „Theresienstadt getu“, morali su igrati ulogu zadovoljnih i sretnih stanovnika malog provincijskog grada.

    Pored ovoga, ovaj događaj nam pomaže da spoznamo moć propagande i sistematskog širenja poluistina i laži te kako te laži i poluistine korak po korak prikupljaju prihvaćanje među stanovništvom. Režiserka Martina Malinová dokumentuje tok posjete Međunarodne komisije Crvenog krsta intervjuisanjem Doris Grozdanovičová, bivše zatvorenice Theresienstadta i svjedoka posjete IRC-a i Davida Haasa, unuka jednog od najpoznatijih slikara zatočenih u Theresienstadtu , Bedřich Fritta, čije slike beskompromisno otkrivaju cinizam i prezir prema čovječanstvu nacističkog režima.


    Makeover

    Rastuća međunarodna zabrinutost zbog položaja Židova u Trećem rajhu dokazuje zahtjev koji je Međunarodni crveni križ početkom 1943. uputio za posjet jednom od nacionalsocijalističkih koncentracionih logora. Nacisti su odabrali Theresienstadt kao prikladno mjesto za izlaganje. Pripreme za posjetu počele su u proljeće 1943. godine i okončane su nekoliko sedmica prije nego što je posjeta izvršena. Dio preuređenja kroz koje je Theresienstadt prošao bilo je preimenovanje "geta" u "židovsko naselje", osnivanje banke koju vodi Židovsko vijeće, uključujući posebne novčanice, koje tehnički nisu bile ništa drugo nego bezvrijedni papiri. Otvorene su prodavnice koje nude stvari koje su oduzete zatvorenicima kada su stigli u Theresienstadt. Odjednom se pojavilo dječje igralište i kafić. Zatvorenici koji su bili duže u zatvoru i na čijim tijelima se vide tragovi ovog zatvora deportirani su u plinske komore Auschwitza, kako bi se pohvalili samo lijepim, još uvijek snažnim i zdravim zatvorenicima. Ulice su očišćene i ukrašene, kao i nekoliko stanova, isključivo u svrhu obmane IRC -a.

    Bedřich Fritta: Kavana (1943/1944) (Izvor: privatna arhiva porodice Haas)

    Poseta

    Komisija IRC -a posjetila je Theresienstadt u petak, 23. juna 1944, otprilike. 12 do 16 sati Deset delegata je bilo u pratnji komandanta logora i predsedavajućeg „Jevrejskog veća“ i vodilo je unapred pripremljen put kroz grad. Tokom posjete prikazana im je pomno uvježbana igra sa odabranim zatvorenicima i ekstravagantno osmišljen krajolik.

    Iz izvještaja o događaju bivšeg zatvorenika S. van den Bergha: Supruga i ja smo izabrani i preseljeni u svježe obojenu sobu u kasarni u Hamburgu. (...) Noć prije posjete bili smo svjedoci prave tragikomedije. U 22 sata smo otišli na spavanje. Taman kad smo zaspali, pokucalo se na vrata, a ispred nas je stajao ljutiti čovjek sa stolom i stolicama. Jedva smo ga uspjeli natjerati da shvati da je naša soba dovoljno lijepa i da bi trebao otići u pakao sa stolom i stolicama. Jedino što smo htjeli je spavanje. Sat i pol kasnije ušao je još jedan čovjek, ovaj put čak i bez da je pokucao na vrata, sa sobom je imao ljestve. Moja žena je bila šokirana kad je podigao ljestve iznad njenog kreveta kako bi stavio zavjese. Prije 5 sati ujutro elegantna gospođa došla je donijeti tepih i stolnjake, u pola šest vrtlar koji je na prozor stavio saksiju cvijeća i još malo svježe rezanog cvijeća u vazu na sto. 1

    Bedřich Fritta The room/Pokoj (1944) (Source: private archive of the Haas-family)

    The report

    Dr. Maurice Rossel, the leader of the IRC commission, wrote a short report dividing the living conditions in Theresienstadt into several subchapters: population, administration, housing, food, garments, work, etc. He describes exactly what he had been shown by the SS. Excerpts from his report read as follows:

    Housing: sufficient bed linen, changed on a regular base, blankets of outstanding quality.

    Hrana: It is possible to convince oneself everywhere of the sufficient nutritional status of the population. See photos, especially the children.

    Garments: The people we met wore all kinds of different garments, just as one would expect in a little town, some well-off, others rather simple. Elegant women wear silk stockings, hats, scarves and modern purses.

    Equipment of the medical stations: The equipment with medical instruments is in all respects satisfactory. There are only few places where the population enjoys a medical care comparable to Theresienstadt.

    Commentary on the whole report by Vojtech Blodig, PhD.

    The greatest lie Rossel quotes in his report was that Theresienstadt was a „final camp“ and usually nobody was deported anywhere else, once they got here. As a matter of fact the inmates of Theresienstadt, men, women and children were being deported throughout the whole period of the camp’s existence deported further to the extermination camps in Auschwitz-Birkenau, Treblinka and Sobibor. Before and during the makeover of Theresienstadt thousands of people were deported to be murdered.

    In 1979, the author and director of Shoa, Claude Lanzmann, led an interview with M. Rossel. From this interview it is possible to tell that the doctor, who was 27 years old in 1944, himself was prejudiced against Jews. He said: This camp gave the impression, that the Israelites sent here people who were especially rich or had been important in their towns so that they couldn’t vanish just like that… . 2 He accused the inmates he met during his visit of not signalling anything to him: One would cry out or lament. (…) Someone, who as an official visits different camps for months, always meets someone there who blinks his ee and trys to point towards something. That was common. But here, nothing, absolutel nothing. There was such obedience and passivity, that it was unbearable for me. 3

    The testimony of inmates though confirm the disappointment about the delegates accepting the camouflage and believing in it. There was no one in the ghetto who would have had any doubts that the most important imperative of the commission would be mistrust towards the SS. Without exception, we were convinced that anyone of sound understanding would recognize the obvious. 4

    Bedřich Fritta: Shops in Theresienstadt (1944) (Source: private archive of the Haas-family)

    The Nazis made use of the prepared scenery also for further propaganda efforts about Theresienstadt, where live supposedly was great. Just a few weeks after the visit of the IRC, in August and September 1944, a movie with the initial title Theresienstadt. A documentary from the Jewish settlement was shot. Since it was only finalized during the last months of the war, it was never screened for a bigger audience. Theresienstadt, though, was shown to different visitors from different countries during the last months of the war.

    The Nazi’s main motivation for the careful preparation of Theresienstadt and the play enacted there was the deceit of the global public and to persuade everyone that the Jewish population of the Third Reich and the occupied countries was doing well, neither discriminated, persecuted, nor murdered. Due to the indifference and neglect of the visitors and the fear of the “actors” from Theresienstadt, they successfully met this goal.

    Though today we know, that the cultural and intellectual life and sports in Theresienstadt were part of the progapanda efforts of the Nazis, we still associate with “Theresienstadt” a rather functioning town where people were relatively well off. We need to make ourselves aware of the fact, that all of this was just a play, a scenery, set up in order to disguise the reality of all the Nazi camps: to get rid of those unwanted by the Nazis, to kill them. We need to be aware of the power of propaganda, the spread of lies and wrong accounts.


    “City of my dreams” – a survivor's attempts to cope

    In her memoirs, Käthe Starke mentions a nightmare that haunted her again and again for years after the liberation and to which she refers in the title of the descriptions of her postwar visit to Terezín: “I had to find my way home [from the library] [ … ] in the darkness, step by step, until I reached the saving wall of the Genie barracks This refers to the Genie Barracks, which housed a hospital and hosted cultural events. across the city park, past the market square, which guided me to the corner of Neue Gasse, and of all the nightmares that had carried me off to Theresienstadt at night for years, this one remained: in black night and soundless silence I must seek my way alone. From the moonless sky not even the gutters stand out to show me the direction. The stones of the Genie barracks are so cold that I can't touch them, at the corner I lose the last grip and don't know where to turn.” Starke, Führer , p. 130. Starke-Goldschmidt hints at the loneliness and abandonment she felt in Theresienstadt as feelings that would not leave her even long after liberation.

    Among the memoir texts about deportation and imprisonment in Theresienstadt , Käthe Starke-Goldschmidt’s account stands out because she describes life under camp conditions and the relationships among the inmates with a fine feeling for language almost entirely free of sentimentality. The effort to maintain a distance from her experiences and to capture the feelings they triggered can be clearly felt between the lines. This is particularly evident in those passages in which she writes from the perspective of animals being led to the slaughterhouse and thus unknowingly to their death. In her description of the transport, this becomes apparent in an almost painful way. She begins with the following words: “What the slaughter animals feel when they roll along dully crammed into the cattle car – I know it from experience.” She ends with the only seemingly contradictory need: “ [ … ] one should scream – if only no one starts screaming.” Starke, Führer , p. 23. Thus she encodes her fears and shouts them out at the same time. The author allows herself here to hint at her state of mind, how vital it was not to lose her temper. This self-imposed requirement to pull oneself together permeates the entire text like a gnawing basic tension, which – as far as this can be understood at all – perhaps came close to the feeling of life in Theresienstadt and which would not fade throughout the rest of a life spent living with survival.

    Select Bibliography

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    About the Author

    Linde Apel, Dr. phil., born 1963, is director of the "Werkstatt der Erinnerung", the Oral History Archives of the Research Centre for Contemporary History in Hamburg (FZH). Her focus of research: oral history, history of the Holocaust, contemporary history of the 1960s and 1970s.


    Teaching History Matters

    A year ago I took one of the most transformative journeys of my life, with 24 fellow educators, to study the Holocaust and the Jewish resistance to it, in Washington, DC, Germany, the Czech Republic, and Poland. I kept an extensive diary and took tons of photographs. And contrary to many assumptions, it was a journey that led to profound understandings about life, not death. For the next several days, I have decided to go back and retrace my steps and try to process what unfolded for me. Not weighty tomes, but maybe a picture and a note from the diary.

    July 10. Life goes on. But stop and wonder.

    Now the tour continues to Terezin, or Theresienstadt. Forty miles north west of Prague and originally built in the late 18th century as a fortification and garrison town by Emperor Joseph II and named after his mother, Empress Maria Theresa. I will be at the site where the “Train Near Magdeburg” was destined to arrive-but never did, thanks to the US Army. But why there?

    Terezin. Garrison town and later ghetto, and Small Fortress, later prison.

    In the closing days of the war, as the Reich collapsed in the East, and began to be rolled up in the West, Theresienstadt was the destination of the three transports hastily evacuated from Bergen Belsen. As stated earlier, only one train made it there, but we have never heard of what happened to the occupants. It is known that as thousands of prisoners from other camps flooded into Theresienstadt in the last month or so of the war, typhus and other epidemics broke out .

    First we toured the Small Fortress, later the prison.

    Small Fortress in background.

    Inside the Small Fortress.

    Inside the Small Fortress. That horrible sign again.

    Inside the Small Fortress. The place is crumbling.

    Inside the Small Fortress. Prison. No, the two toned wall color is not on purpose. Evidence of recent floods. Note also cell doors.

    Inside the Small Fortress. Gavrilo Princip, whose shots ushered in WWI, died here in Cell 1 in 1918.

    Inside the Small Fortress. Barracks where many succumbed. Again note high water mark.

    Outside the Small Fortress.

    And now, we move onto the former garrison town which became the ghetto.

    “The Theresienstadt “camp-ghetto” existed for three and a half years, between November 24, 1941 and May 9, 1945. During its existence, Theresienstadt served three purposes:

    1) First, Theresienstadt served as a transit camp for Czech Jews whom the Germans deported to killing centers, concentration camps, and forced-labor camps in German-occupied Poland, Belorussia, and the Baltic States.

    2) Second, it was a ghetto-labor camp to which the SS deported and then incarcerated certain categories of German, Austrian, and Czech Jews, based on their age, disability as a result of past military service, or domestic celebrity in the arts and other cultural life. To mislead about or conceal the physical annihilation of the Jews deported from the Greater German Reich, the Nazi regime employed the general fiction, primarily inside Germany, that the deported Jews would be deployed at productive labor in the East. Since it seemed implausible that elderly Jews could be used for forced labor, the Nazis used Theresienstadt to hide the nature of the deportations.

    3) Third, Theresienstadt served as a holding pen for Jews in the above-mentioned groups. It was expected that that poor conditions there would hasten the deaths of many deportees, until the SS and police could deport the survivors to killing centers in the East.”

    Hundreds of thousands of people from all over Europe were deported here between 1942 and 1945. Most were shipped East to their deaths, though many also died in the wretched conditions here, so crematoria were established.

    And let’s not forget the famous “Red Cross” visit and propaganda show: “The Fuhrer Gives the Jews a City”:

    “Theresienstadt served an important propaganda function for the Germans. The publicly stated purpose for the deportation of the Jews from Germany was their “resettlement to the east,” where they would be compelled to perform forced labor. Since it seemed implausible that elderly Jews could be used for forced labor, the Nazis used the Theresienstadt ghetto to hide the nature of the deportations. In Nazi propaganda, Theresienstadt was cynically described as a “spa town” where elderly German Jews could “retire” in safety. The deportations to Theresienstadt were, however, part of the Nazi strategy of deception. The ghetto was in reality a collection center for deportations to ghettos and killing centers in Nazi-occupied eastern Europe.

    Succumbing to pressure following the deportation of Danish Jews to Theresienstadt, the Germans permitted the International Red Cross to visit in June 1944. It was all an elaborate hoax. The Germans intensified deportations from the ghetto shortly before the visit, and the ghetto itself was “beautified.” Gardens were planted, houses painted, and barracks renovated. The Nazis staged social and cultural events for the visiting dignitaries. Once the visit was over, the Germans resumed deportations from Theresienstadt, which did not end until October 1944.”

    Smiling children during the propaganda visit. Most were sent on to their deaths afterwards. USHMM.

    Fifteen thousand children passed through Theresienstadt. 90 percent were murdered.

    Crematoria building and burials, memorial.

    On May 5th, the Fuhrer dead nearly a week, the Soviets approaching, the guards left. On may 8th, the last day of the War, the Red Army arrived.

    We light candles. So we wind up our day, like all visits, with a group prayer for the dead and with solitary reflection for the living. We quietly make our way back to Prague, where life goes on.

    People hurry about their business on the streets.

    But step lightly, lest your stride be interrupted, so that you must pause and look down. Then you may see the brass “stumble stone” embedded in the sidewalk with the engraving noting the former occupant of the dwelling here was deported to his/her death.

    Prague. Stumble stone. Which is not stone at all, but will make you wonder.


    Theresienstadt - ID Card/Oral History

    Hana was born to a Jewish family in Prague, the capital of Czechoslovakia. Her father, a metalsmith, made pipes, spouts and gutters for construction companies. Because her mother was frail, Hana was raised by her father and grandmother. She attended a Jewish school through grade five, and later went to business school.

    1933-39: In 1933 Hana read about the harrowing treatment of Jews during the Spanish Inquisition and told her grandmother, "We're fortunate that we live in the 20th century in Czechoslovakia and such a thing can't happen to us." Six years later on March 15, 1939, the Germans occupied Prague. It was a cold, snowy day. About a mile from Hana's home the Germans entered the city on tanks and trucks, with their guns pointed toward the rooftops.

    1940-44: Hana was in her apartment reading "The Grapes of Wrath" when the Germans came to get her. She was deported to the Theresienstadt ghetto. The Nazis used Theresienstadt as a "show camp" to convince people that Jews were really being treated well. When the Red Cross came in July 1944, the Nazis put up dummy stores, a cafe, kindergarten and flower gardens to give the impression that Jews there were leading "normal" lives. Hana and other Jews in the ghetto painted the house fronts on the inspection routes and the Nazis gave them extra food--one extra dumpling each.

    Hana was deported to Auschwitz in 1944. After some months as a slave laborer in Germany and Czechoslovakia, she was freed when SS guards deserted her work gang on May 5, 1945.

    Carl Heumann

    Carl was one of nine children born to Jewish parents living in a village near the Belgian border. When Carl was 26, he married Joanna Falkenstein and they settled down in a house across the street from his father's cattle farm. Carl ran a small general store on the first floor of their home. The couple had two daughters, Margot and Lore.

    1933-39: Carl has moved his family to the city of Bielefeld, where he is working for a Jewish relief organization. Requests from this area's Jews to leave Germany have multiplied since a night last November [Kristallnacht] when the Nazis smashed windows of Jewish stores and burned synagogues all over Germany. Unfortunately, the United States and other countries have immigration quotas so that only a fraction of the Jewish refugees can get visas.

    1940-44: Carl and his family have been deported to the Theresienstadt ghetto in Czechoslovakia. As a special privilege, they have been sent here rather than to a concentration camp further to the east because Carl earned the German Iron Cross in World War I. Still, the threat of deportation to a camp hangs over them daily, and they are always hungry. Their 15-year-old, Margot, has been assigned to a detail that leaves the ghetto each day to work on a farm: Sometimes she smuggles back vegetables to them by hiding them under her blouse.

    In May 1944 Carl was caught stealing food, and he and his family were deported to Auschwitz. Everyone is believed to have perished there except Margot, who survived the war.

    Arthur Karl Heinz Oertelt

    Heinz, as he was usually called, was born in the German capital to religious Jewish parents. He and his older brother, Kurt, attended both religious and public schools. His father had died when he was very young. His mother, a seamstress, struggled to make ends meet. She and the boys lived in a predominantly Christian neighborhood.

    1933-39: It frightened Heinz when Nazi storm troopers sang about Jewish blood dripping from their knives. But his family didn't have money to leave Berlin. In late 1939 Heinz was forced, with other Jews, to work for German construction companies. Many of them were professionals and businessmen unused to manual labor. They shoveled dirt and carried rocks by hand. Passersby would grin at them, and teachers brought students to show them what Jews looked like.

    1940-44: In March 1943 Heinz, Kurt, and their mother were deported to Theresienstadt, where they soon became infested with lice, fleas, and bedbugs. They became obsessed with thoughts of food. Their soup was dished out from a huge barrel by lazy men who didn't bother to stir it, leaving the good food chunks near the bottom. Heinz had to time himself just right. If he was at the front of the line he would get mostly the watery parts. If he was too far back, he might get nothing at all or watery soup from the top of a newly arrived barrel.

    Heinz was eventually liberated near Flossenbürg in April 1945, and emigrated to the United States in 1949. Kurt survived the war, but their mother perished in Auschwitz.

    Bertha Wolffberg Gottschalk

    Bertha was born to Jewish parents in the capital of East Prussia. Her father served on the Koenigsberg city council. In 1887 Bertha married Hugo Gottschalk, and the couple settled in the small town of Schlawe in northern Germany. There, Hugo owned the town's grain mill. The Gottschalks raised their four children in a home near a small stream, ringed by orchards and a large garden.

    1933-39: Bertha and her daughter Nanny have moved to Berlin--Hugo passed away in 1934 and they were afraid of the growing antisemitism in Schlawe. They hoped that, as Jews, they would be less conspicuous here in a large city. But the Nazis have ordered all sorts of restrictions for Jews--recently Bertha had to register her jewelry and silver. Her daughter Gertrud has sent her three daughters to England. Bertha would also like to leave, but it's difficult to get an exit visa.

    1940-42: Nanny and Bertha have been deported to the Theresienstadt ghetto in Czechoslovakia, where they have been assigned to a dirty, crowded and lice-infested room on the second floor of a house. Nanny hauls in bags of sawdust, which they burn to heat their room. Bertha had a chance to go to America in 1941, but she refused to go without Nanny. Her days in Schlawe are a distant memory now.

    Bertha died in Theresienstadt on November 23, 1942.

    Nanny Gottschalk Lewin

    Nanny was the oldest of four children born to Jewish parents in the small town of Schlawe in northern Germany, where her father owned the town's grain mill. Nanny was given the Hebrew name Nocha. She grew up on the mill grounds in a house surrounded by orchards and a big garden. In 1911 Nanny married Arthur Lewin. Together, they raised two children, Ludwig and Ursula.

    1933-39: Nanny and her widowed mother have moved to Berlin. They feared the rising antisemitism in Schlawe and hoped, as Jews, to be less conspicuous here in a large city. They live downstairs from Nanny's sister Kathe who is married to a Protestant and has converted. Shortly after they got settled, the Germans restricted the public movements of Jews, so that they no longer feel safe when they're out of their apartment.

    1940-44: Nanny and her mother have been deported to the Theresienstadt ghetto in Bohemia. They've been assigned a room on the second floor of a house that is dirty, crowded and infested with lice. The stove is fueled with sawdust. As the youngest in their room--and Nanny is 56--she's been lugging in the bags of sawdust on her back. She's been getting increasingly weaker, is now hard of hearing and needs a cane to walk. Early this morning Nanny learned that she's on a list of people to go to another camp. She doesn't want to go but has no choice.

    Nanny was deported to Auschwitz on May 15, 1944, and was gassed immediately upon arrival. She was 56 years old.

    Anna Pfeffer

    Anna, affectionately known as Aennchen to her family, was the daughter of non-religious German-Jewish parents. Her father died when she was young and Anna was raised in the town of Bruchsal by her impoverished mother. Anna married a well-to-do, older gentleman in 1905 and moved to the fashionable city of Duesseldorf, where he was a department store manager. By 1933 they had two grown sons.

    1933-39: The Pfeffer's comfortable life unraveled after the Nazis came to power. The Nazis arrested Anna's brother and deported him to a concentration camp, where he was murdered. Anna's oldest son, who had married a Dutch woman, emigrated to the Netherlands. After her husband lost his job and after the November 1938 pogrom, the Pfeffers also emigrated to the Netherlands. There, they joined their oldest son and daughter-in-law.

    1940-44: Anna's husband passed away, and she spent her time in Amsterdam with her grandchildren. In May 1940 the Germans occupied the Netherlands. Jews were ordered to register and their rights were curtailed. Like other Jews, Anna lost whatever property she had. A year after being required to wear an identifying yellow badge, she was separated from her family and sent to Westerbork, a transit camp for Jews. Four months later, she was deported to the Theresienstadt ghetto in Czechoslovakia.

    On October 9, 1944, Anna was deported from Theresienstadt to Auschwitz, where she was gassed two days later. She was 58 years old.

    Jan-Peter Pfeffer

    Jan-Peter's father, Heinz, was a German-Jewish refugee who married Henriette De Leeuw, a Dutch-Jewish woman. Frightened by the Nazi dictatorship and the murder of Heinz's uncle in a concentration camp, they immigrated to the Netherlands when Henriette was nine months pregnant. They settled in Amsterdam.

    1933-39: Jan-Peter was born soon after his parents arrived in the Netherlands. He was 18 months old when Tommy, his baby brother, was born. In 1939 the parents and brother of Jan-Peter's father joined them in the Netherlands as refugees from Germany. Jan-Peter and Tommy grew up speaking Dutch as their native language, and they often spent time at their mother's family home in the country.

    1940-44: The Germans occupied Amsterdam in May 1940. Despite the German occupation, 6-year-old Jan-Peter did not feel much change in his day-to-day life. Then just after his ninth birthday, the Germans sent his grandmother to a camp called Westerbork. Six months later, Jan-Peter and his family were sent to the same camp, but his grandmother was no longer there. During the winter, the Pfeffers were sent to a faraway ghetto called Theresienstadt where Jan-Peter felt cold, scared, and hungry.

    On May 18, 1944, Jan-Peter was deported with his family to Auschwitz. He was gassed on July 11, 1944. Jan-Peter was 10 years old.

    Inge Auerbacher

    Inge was the only child of Berthold and Regina Auerbacher, religious Jews living in Kippenheim, a village in southwestern Germany near the Black Forest. Her father was a textile merchant. The family lived in a large house with 17 rooms and had servants to help with the housework.

    1933-39: On November 10, 1938, hoodlums threw rocks and broke all the windows of Inge's home. That same day police arrested her father and grandfather. Inge, her mother and grandmother managed to hide in a shed until it was quiet. When they came out, the town's Jewish men had been taken to the Dachau concentration camp. Her father and grandfather were allowed to return home a few weeks later, but that May her grandfather died of a heart attack.

    1940-45: When Inge was 7, she was deported with her parents to the Theresienstadt ghetto in Czechoslovakia. When they arrived, everything was taken from them, except for the clothes they wore and Inge's doll, Marlene. Conditions in the camp were harsh. Potatoes were as valuable as diamonds. Inge was hungry, scared and sick most of the time. For her eighth birthday, her parents gave her a tiny potato cake with a hint of sugar for her ninth birthday, an outfit sewn from rags for her doll and for her tenth birthday, a poem written by her mother.

    On May 8, 1945, Inge and her parents were liberated from the Theresienstadt ghetto where they had spent nearly three years. They immigrated to the United States in May 1946.


    Theresienstadt (Concentration Camp) Collection

    This collection contains traces of life in Theresienstadt as well as remembrances of it created after World War II. The items in the collection do not share provenance they were put together over a period of several decades into this constructed collection. The materials that were created between 1941 and 1945 include correspondence, official decrees and notices, money, poems, programs of events, a map, military reports, lists of prisoners, and clippings. Materials created after 1945 include correspondence regarding the 1944 Nazi propaganda film about Theresienstadt, accounts of personal experiences, and materials related to a reproduction of the children's opera Brundibar.

    This collection specifically focuses on materials created during the time that Theresienstadt was in operation (1941-1945) and original, unpublished materials about Theresienstadt created afterwards. Published or non-original materials about Theresienstadt created after 1945 were separated into the Theresienstadt Clippings Collection (AR 2275 C) or given to the LBI Library.

    Datumi

    Jezik materijala

    Ograničenja pristupa

    Pristup informacijama

    Istorijska bilješka

    Theresienstadt holds a unique position among the concentration camps and ghettos created by the German Nazi regime from 1933-1945. From the time the Nazis turned the then Czechoslovak city of Terezín (German: Theresienstadt) into a camp-ghetto in November 1941 to the liberation of prisoners in May 1945, different sections of the city and its surrounding areas functioned as a Gestapo prison, a Jewish ghetto, a forced labor camp, and a transit camp that eventually sent prisoners to death camps in Nazi-occupied Poland. The Gestapo prison was set up in the Small Fortress on the edge of the city and held mainly Czech and Slovak political prisoners. Once the local residents of the city of Theresienstadt were moved out, the city itself was used as a ghetto and labor camp for Jews from Czechoslovakia, Germany, Austria, Holland, Denmark, and Hungary.

    Theresienstadt also played a role as propaganda for the Nazi regime. The widespread deportation of Jews from Germany, Austria, and Czechoslovakia began in 1941 under the pretense that these individuals were being sent to work in the East. Since it could hardly be believed that the old or frail being deported were being sent to work, the Nazis set up Theresienstadt as a supposed “spa town” for retirees. Theresienstadt was also the destination of Jews of sufficient renown that their deportation would cause some to inquire after them. While lectures, concerts, and other events were held in Theresienstadt and a library of some 60,000 volumes was maintained, prisoners suffered inhumane living conditions and often lived in constant fear.

    Starting in the fall of 1942, many transports from Theresienstadt took prisoners directly to the death camp Auschwitz-Birkenau. Theresienstadt was liberated by Soviet troops in early May 1945.

    Niewyk, Donald L. and Francis Nicosia. The Columbia Reference Guide to the Holocaust. New York: Columbia University Press, 2000.


    Theresienstadt film explained – Learn from the Nazi propaganda film „Terezin: A Documentary Film from the Jewish Settlement Area

    UPDATE: This project was funded! read below to learn more about the project.

    With crowdfunding going worldwide, the opportunity to create learning around existing films is huge. This project, creating education around the Nazi propaganda film „Terezin: A Documentary Film from the Jewish Settlement Area, is one that gained support and funding.

    It is such a great idea to move beyond the static history films and books, and invite the audience in to learn and even build community around that learning about the Theresienstadt film, like we do here at Remember.org

    The Nazi propaganda film „Terezin: A Documentary Film from the Jewish Settlement Area“ (1944) is the only cinematic document about a concentration camp. The aim of the project is to open up the film as a commented educational resource. By augmenting the film with geographic, bibliographic and meta-information we want to foster a deeper understanding about the personal stories of the cast members and how they got instrumented by the Nazis.

    What is this project all about?

    In many ways the Nazi propaganda film „Terezin: A Documentary Film from the Jewish Settlement Area“ is a valuable contemporary document for history didactics for K12 and university teaching.

    But the film needs to be prepared for instructional use. Without augmentation the film would be senseless because the people and places would be unknown and its propaganda lies would preexist without question. Thats why we want to explain the content of the film:

    * locations in the camp can be identified in the scenes

    * a number of famous Jewish persons such as artists, scientists and musicians appear in the scenes

    * propaganda lies and delusions infiltrated by the film crew can be highlighted and explained

    Previous work on the history of the film has been isolated of the cinematic material and its pictorial as well as auditive expressions. By means of media didactic the subject could be effectively enhanced through advanced digital story telling and web-based video technology.

    The projected aims to develop an extended teaching and learning resource ready and free to use in schools and university courses.

    What is the project goal and who is the project for?

    We have been screening the film as VHS at the Terezin Youth Center for years now. The screen was always accomplished by detailed explanations but lacked in-depth knowledge of all the cast members and the arrangement of the screenplay.

    Due the volatile details it has been difficult for us the explain the propagandistic character of the film because the navigation within the playback time was hardly possible on VHS-Device. These limitations caused discontent among the visitors of the memorial state although they were highly interested in watching the one and only existing film of people in Nazi concentration camp.

    We decided to extent the film to an interactive learning space that relates people, places and commented propaganda lies with the particular scenes of the film. Furthermore framing documents such as Claude Lanzmann’s interview „A Visitor from the Living“ (1979/1999) will be included.

    In 2012 we could manage to get a funding for the technical realization of the interactive film but could not proceed because of incomplete and bad quality video footage. Our investigations showed that at the German Federal Archive in Berlin collected all remaining sequences of the film on reels.

    A digitization would cost more then $ 1800. Unfortunately our donors did not want to pay for anything else then man power. So we have enough funds to produce a learning resource but can’t afford the film as the main object of learning.

    Beside the Terezin Youth Center we are in contact with several German school teachers, who really want to utilize these highly valuable and rar historic source in their lessons.

    – get a copy of the original copy from German Federal Archive Berlin

    – post production: digital enhancement, original scence order, highlighting missing scenes in between

    – identify places on the map of the ghetto

    – identify conspicuous scenes and explain the propaganda behind it

    – related places, people and propaganda as time-related annotations

    – set up the film together with the annotions in our existing video learning environment

    – define instructional tasks as scripted collaboration

    – run some tests (software, usability) and invite volunteers from Terezin for a first test run

    – install, introduce and run everything at the Terezin Youth Centre

    Who are the people behind the project?

    Niels Seidel works at the Media Centre at Dresden University of Technology. Beside his research interests in deveolpment of interactive instructional videos he has been investigating the history of smal a concentration camp in Görlitz/DE for more then 10 years now. Due his know how in learning design and web development the Terezin film could become a new corner stone for guided tourse in Terezin.

    Armin is located in Zittau where he is the head of the local history workshop at Hillersche Villa. He organizes projects about the former members of local jewish community that are dedicated for teenagers from schools and vacation camps. Armin is also involved into the Terezin Youth Center and the activities at the memorial. He is one of the few authorized German speaking guides at Terezin memorial.

    Beside that we can build upon academic support from Karel Margry in behalf of the analysis of the film and our collegues at the Media Centre at TU Dresden regarding technical and didactical issues.


    Excerpt of well-known propaganda film made by the Nazis to show the International Red Cross and others that they were not mistreating Jews in the "ghettos." Documentary footage depicts the life of Jews in the ghetto of Theresienstadt [Terezin] in Czechoslovakia as harmonious and joyful. They wear yellow stars on their civilian clothing but are euphemistically called residents ["Bewohner"] instead of inmates. They look well-dressed and well-fed and keep smiling. No SS guards or other armed Germans are shown.

    Shots include: men and women work contentedly on farm, in factories, making pottery and sculpture, seamstresses and tailors, cobblers, etc. Yellow stars visible on their clothing, but people smile, implying satisfaction. Recreational activities include spectator sports event in an enclosed, porticoed courtyard concert (various views of attentive, mannered, well-dressed crowds) library flourishing community garden children at play women and men socializing barracks. Final view is family dinner scene.

    The conductor of the orchestra at 09:56 as Karel Ančerl, the founder of the first orchestra in Terezin. He's conducting Study for Strings, composed by fellow prisoner Pavel Haas. Shortly after this film was made, the majority of the orchestra along with the composer were killed, and the only way we know what Study for Strings sounds like today was because the conductor, Ančerl, survived and transcribed the piece he conducted so many times right after the war.

    About This Film

    Ključne riječi i predmeti

    Administrativna istorija

    Note Mimi Fischman Berger is the teenager sitting on the table at 03:04:50 with a writing pad (her hair is parted on the side and clipped). She was interred for 4 years in Terezin from ages 16-20. Mimi eventually immigrated to Palestine after the war because her father had arranged for a false marriage with an Orthodox Jewish family. They divorced immediately. Mimi became one of the first 12 flight attendants for El Al. You can learn more about her experience from her testimony: https://collections.ushmm.org/search/catalog/vha4080. Mimi's mother, Helena Fischman, is also in the film wearing a striped sweater and knitting while talking to another woman at the table in the barracks sequence. Helena was deported from Terezin not long after the making of this propaganda film and exterminated.

    Other Credits:
    Script: Kurt Gerron using drafts by Jindrich Weil and Manfred Greiffenhagen
    Music: Felix Mendelssohn-Bartholdy, Sholom Secunda, Hans Krása, Jaques Offenbach, Pavel Haas, Max Bruch, Dol Dauber

    See Film and Video departmental files for articles and background on the 1942 and 1944 filming.

    The full title of this film is: Theresienstadt: ein Dokumentarfilm aus dem Juedischen Siedlungsgebiet [Theresienstadt: a documentary film about the Jewish settlement]. The often-used title for this film is: Der Fuehrer schenkt den Juden eine Stadt [The Fuehrer gives the Jews a City].

    Theresienstadt, established in November 1941, was the central ghetto for Jews from the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. From July 1942 on, the ghetto also contained Jews decorated with German army medals as well as 'prominent' Jews and older Jews from several western European countries. It functioned as a transfer camp for deportations to the death camps in Poland and the occupied Soviet Union. After repeated requests by officials of the International Red Cross from October 1943 on, the SS agreed to allow a visit on June 23, 1944. Comprehensive 'beautification' measures took place in preparation for the visit in order to camouflage the ongoing mass murder of European Jewry to the world. Theresienstadt was presented as a 'model Jewish settlement.' Hans Guenther, the head of the regional SS-Zentralamt zur Regelung der Judenfrage [Central Office for the Regulation of the Jewish Question] in Prague, developed the idea to produce a movie depicting the 'excellent' living conditions for Jews in Theresienstadt (most probably in December 1943). The scenes in the film show camp life and feature the inmates in their day-to-day lives. Living conditions in Theresienstadt (and especially the efforts in education and culture organized by the Jewish council) were better on average than those in the Polish and Soviet ghettos. However, the movie crassly exaggerated the quality of life and omitted the harsh reality of overcrowding, hunger, diseases, and death that defined life in Theresienstadt.

    Beside the cinematography, inmates of the ghetto were used in all functions (including the director Kurt Gerron) to produce the film under close supervision by the SS. Immediately after the end of shooting in September 1944, Gerron and other cast members were deported to Auschwitz where they perished. After the final cut on March 28, 1945 the Czech company Aktualita received RM 35,000 from Guenther's office for the production of the movie. The movie was intended to be screened to international audiences like the International Red Cross and the Vatican. Following the first screening in early April 1945 to high-ranking government and SS officials in Prague there were at least three more screenings to international humanitarian emissaries in Theresienstadt itself on April 6 and 16, 1945. Plans for a further distribution to broader audiences in the neutral states never materialized because of the progression of war.

    Since 1945 no complete copy of the entire ninety minute film has been located. There are only fragments available at different archives. The infamous title "Der Fuehrer schenkt den Juden eine Stadt" ["The Fuehrer Donates a City to the Jews"] is not original - it was given by survivors of Theresienstadt in the aftermath.

    The film was shot over 11 days between August 16 to September 11, 1944. Other fragments of the same film are on USHMM tapes 243 (story 269), 140 (story 80), and 2310 (story 2615).


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